认为差异;毋庸置疑的类型学

S. Tallman, N. Parr, A. Winburn
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引用次数: 5

摘要

法医人类学家传统上将“种族”或“祖先”作为生物特征的一部分。虽然从业者可能已经改变了用于描述区域模式的人类骨骼变异的术语,但他们改变类型学方法的程度仍不清楚。本研究通过匹配关键词“种族”、“祖先”、“民族”和/或“群体亲和力”的组合,分析了发表在四个相关期刊(1966-2020)上的119篇同行评议的法医人类学文章。结果表明,虽然“祖先”取代了“种族”,但这种变化并没有带来方法上的同步修改,也没有对潜在概念进行更深入的审查。“种族”和“祖先”分别在13%和12%的抽样文章中很少被定义,大量的社会、地理和伪科学术语仍然存在。法医人类学家越来越多地参与解决人类生物变异的力量模式的问题:1999年以后65%的研究讨论了人口历史/结构和微观进化;从1966年到1999年的38%。较少的研究采用情境化或批判性的方法来分析人口变化(1999年以后32%的研究;从1966年至1999年的4%),几乎没有研究考虑骨骼变异反映具体社会不平等的可能性(1999年以后的研究中有5%;1966-1999年为0%)。这种审讯和清晰度的缺乏导致了一种错误的观念,即所有法医人类学家都有相似的定义,并导致了对复杂生物文化过程的过度简化。虽然缺乏定义和生物文化参与可能部分是由于编辑和同行评审的压力,但很可能许多法医人类学家没有对自己的观点进行质疑。这篇文章认为我们有必要这样做。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Assumed Differences; Unquestioned Typologies
Forensic anthropologists traditionally estimate “race” or “ancestry” as part of the biological profile. While practitioners may have changed the terms used to describe regionally patterned human skeletal variation, the degree to which they have altered their typological approaches remains unclear. This study analyzed 119 peer-reviewed forensic anthropology articles published in four relevant journals (1966–2020) by matching combination(s) of the key words “race,” “ancestry,” “ethnicity,” and/or “population affinity.” Results indicated that while “ancestry” has supplanted “race,” this change has not brought concurrent modifications in approach, nor deeper scrutiny of underlying concepts. “Race” and “ancestry” were infrequently defined in 13% and 12% of sampled articles, respectively, and a plethora of social, geographic, and pseudoscientific terms persisted. Forensic anthropologists increasingly engaged with questions addressing the forces patterning human biological variation: 65% of studies postdating 1999 discussed population histories/structures and microevolution; 38% between 1966–1999. Fewer studies contextualized or critiqued approaches to analyzing population variation (32% of studies postdating 1999; 4% from 1966–1999), and virtually no studies considered the possibility that skeletal variation reflected embodied social inequity (5% of studies postdating 1999; 0% from 1966–1999). This lack of interrogation and clarity contributes to the faulty notion that all forensic anthropologists share similar definitions and leads to an oversimplification of complex biocultural processes. While the lack ofdefinitions and biocultural engagement may be partly due to editorial and peer-review pressures, it is likely that many forensic anthropologists have not interrogated their own perspectives. This article holds that it is essential for us to do so.
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