现场图表:1979年澳大利亚国会大厦设计竞赛参赛作品中的三种概念方法

L. Tipene
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摘要

Walter Burley Griffin和Marion Mahony Griffin在1912年为堪培拉设计的城市规划与Mitchell, Giurgola和Thorp为澳大利亚新议会大厦设计的获奖设计之间建立了良好的构图关系。正如Andrew Hutson在2011年和2013年所认识到的,议会三角形和土地轴的城市尺度几何规划特征——来自Griffin计划——影响了1979年澳大利亚议会大厦设计竞赛的竞赛概要、提交的作品和评审员的审议。然而,在审查澳大利亚国家档案馆324个参赛作品的剩余作品时,许多方案似乎拒绝与Griffin计划的几何符号明显一致。本文调查了不太为人所知的大多数参赛作品,以考虑堪培拉城市规划和拟议的议会建筑之间关系的其他方法,超越了格里芬计划的历史意义。通过比较James Weirick 1989年对议会偏远位置的批评与Colin Rowe和Fred Koetter 1978年对城市空洞的批评,它确定了三种解决场地隔离问题的概念性方法-在许多参赛者独特的方案中明显存在共同特征。这三种方法包括:拒绝参考堪培拉城市外部的自治议会建筑形式;将堪培拉的城市规划内化在充满象征性姿态的议会设计中;或者将议会建筑重新分类为城市内部的公共代表聚集场所。每种方法都以不同的方式反映了对澳大利亚议会民主的解释,并揭示了当建筑和城市规划被用来为他人的权利说话时,民主实践的风险和潜在利益。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Diagrams in the field: Three conceptual approaches in the entries for the 1979 Australian Parliament House design competition
Compositional relationships are well established between Walter Burley Griffin and Marion Mahony Griffin’s 1912 urban plan for Canberra and the winning design by Mitchell, Giurgola and Thorp for Australia’s New Parliament House. As recognised by Andrew Hutson in 2011 and 2013, the civic-scale geometric planning features of the parliamentary triangle and land axis—from the Griffin Plan—influenced the competition brief, submitted entries, and assessors’ deliberations for the 1979 Australian Parliament House design competition. Yet, on reviewing the remaining submissions for 324 of the competition entries in the National Archives of Australia, many schemes appear to reject an apparent alignment with the geometric symbolism of the Griffin Plan.  This article surveys the lesser-known majority of competition submissions to consider other approaches to the relationship between Canberra’s urban plan and proposed parliamentary architecture, beyond the historical significance of the Griffin Plan. By comparing James Weirick’s 1989 criticism of Parliament’s remote location to Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter’s 1978 criticism of urban voids, it identifies three conceptual approaches to the problems of the site’s isolation—apparent in common characteristics across many entrants’ unique schemes. These three approaches include rejecting references to Canberra’s urban exterior with autonomous parliamentary architectural forms; internalising Canberra’s urban plan within parliamentary designs replete with symbolic gestures; or reclassifying parliamentary architecture as urban interiors for gathering places of public representation. Each approach reflects interpretations of Australia’s parliamentary democracy in different ways, and reveals risks and potential benefits for democratic practices when architecture and urban planning is employed to speak for the rights of others.
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