Reconsidering Sikh architecture: The Sama̅dhi of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Lahore

IF 0.2 0 ASIAN STUDIES
Gurharpal Singh
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The last decade has witnessed an increasing interest in Sikh heritage in Pakistan (Singh 2015, 2018; Khalid 2016; Pannu 2019) that has been fuelled largely by the diaspora’s curiosity about artefacts in west Punjab. This concern has been given further momentum by the policies of the governments in Pakistan that recently culminated in the opening of the Kartarpur Corridor and the efforts to promote pilgrimage tourism by pitching the country as the ‘homeland’ of the Sikhs (Singh 2019). Although the fraught relationship between India and Pakistan since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government under Narendra Modi has been in power has cast a dark shadow on the relationship between the two countries, the engagement of Sikhs with Pakistan is unlikely to diminish any time soon because it is a permanent part of collective Sikh religious and historical consciousness, a troubling legacy of Partition. Within Pakistan scholarship on Sikhs has remained deeply embedded in the ideological narrative of national liberation. At best there is recognition of a fraternal Punjabi minority that was misled by the Hindu Congress leadership to throw its lot in with India whereas a united Punjab in Pakistan offered a more realistic prospect of maintaining the integrity and cohesion of the community. At worst, the demonisation of the Sikhs with Partition violence become a trope of Islamisation of the state and society under President Zia-ul-Haq, reflected in Pakistan Studies, the compulsory teaching of state ideology to all pupils. Even established scholarship has generally failed to address the obvious paradox of the Pakistan movement: that its division of India logically implied the division of Punjab, and no amount of diplomacy from the Muslim League about religious minorities such as the Sikhs would endear them to Pakistan (Jalal 1985). More recently, efforts by Pakistani scholars to reinterpret the Partition violence (Ahmed 2012) remain largely unself-reflective of the fact that violence was at the heart of the Pakistan movement or the changes in the historiography of the subject (Singh 2016). How refreshing and surprising therefore to come across a work that transcends the pervasive influence of Pakistan’s national ideology. It is also rarer still for the effort to avoid current fashionable methodologies with hackneyed cliches about diversity, deconstruction and equalities that have become all too common in the historical scholarship on Punjab. Nadhra Shahbaz Khan’s The Samad̅hi of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Lahore: A Summation of Sikh Architectural and Decorative Practices (2018) is an exceptional example of painstaking scholarship by a dedicated art historian now based at the Lahore University of Management Sciences. What began as PhD thesis by a young
重新考虑锡克教建筑:拉合尔大君兰吉特·辛格的Sama ' s dhi
过去十年,人们对巴基斯坦锡克教遗产的兴趣日益浓厚(Singh 2015, 2018;哈立德2016;Pannu 2019),主要是由于侨民对旁遮普西部文物的好奇心。巴基斯坦政府的政策进一步加剧了这种担忧,这些政策最近在卡尔塔普尔走廊的开放以及通过将该国宣传为锡克教徒的“家园”来促进朝圣旅游的努力中达到高潮(Singh 2019)。尽管自纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)领导的印度人民党(BJP)政府执政以来,印度和巴基斯坦之间令人担忧的关系给两国关系蒙上了一层阴影,但锡克教徒与巴基斯坦的接触不太可能在短期内减少,因为它是锡克教徒集体宗教和历史意识的永久组成部分,是分治遗留下来的令人不安的遗产。在巴基斯坦,关于锡克教徒的学术研究仍然深深植根于民族解放的意识形态叙事中。最好的情况是,旁遮普少数民族被印度教大会党领导误导,把自己的命运投给了印度,而一个统一的旁遮普在巴基斯坦提供了一个更现实的前景,可以保持社区的完整性和凝聚力。在最糟糕的情况下,锡克教徒的妖魔化和分裂暴力成为齐亚哈克总统领导下国家和社会伊斯兰化的一种修辞,反映在巴基斯坦研究中,向所有学生强制教授国家意识形态。即使是知名学者也普遍未能解决巴基斯坦运动的明显矛盾:它对印度的分裂在逻辑上意味着旁遮普的分裂,穆斯林联盟对锡克教徒等宗教少数群体的外交努力也不会使他们与巴基斯坦亲近(Jalal 1985)。最近,巴基斯坦学者重新解释分划暴力的努力(Ahmed 2012)在很大程度上没有反思暴力是巴基斯坦运动的核心这一事实,也没有反思这一主题的史学变化(Singh 2016)。因此,看到一部超越了巴基斯坦民族意识形态普遍影响的作品,是多么令人耳目一新和惊讶啊。在旁遮普邦的历史学术研究中,用关于多样性、解构和平等的陈词滥调来避免当前流行的方法论,这种努力也更为罕见。Nadhra Shahbaz Khan的《拉合尔王公兰吉特·辛格的萨马德·希希:锡克教建筑和装饰实践总结》(2018年)是一位专注于拉合尔管理科学大学的艺术史学家刻苦研究的杰出典范。什么开始作为一个年轻的博士论文
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
25.00%
发文量
32
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