Identity Within: Cultural Relativism, Minority Rights and the Empowerment of Women

IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW
R. Coomaraswamy
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引用次数: 41

Abstract

I. INTRODUCTION For the last three decades, the concept of "identity" has taken center place in political, social, and cultural debates. Charles Taylor has conceptualized identity as the search for the authentic self.1 Anthony Appiah has argued that identity involves the playing out of narrative scripts that we have learned from childhood.2 Whether we root out identity within the essence of the human personality or in the constructions of social life, identity politics has certainly conditioned many of the modern debates about rights, politics, and justice. Identity is not an essential, immutable, permanent status, it has many constituent elements. Future experiences often transform the nature and direction of personal identity. Identity is often composite, made up of multiple selves, often contesting, contradicting, and transforming the other. Identity therefore reconstitutes itself, reacting to and negotiating ideology and lived experience. The subjective identities that philosophers explore must come to terms with the objective reality of identity as it plays out in the real world. In all societies, as the Census and Statistics departments will attest, people are categorized and identified by a social identity, especially as it is expressed in religious, ethnic, or tribal terms. These group-based identities often help determine our position in the social and political hierarchy of a society and also condition people's attitudes and perceptions toward us as we go about our daily business. These stereotypes and homogenous characterizations create obstacles for the realization of equality. They are also the substance of discrimination and often the basis for power and privilege. Our subjective sense of identity is greatly determined by IMAGE FORMULA8 this objective experience as it interacts with our everyday life and conditions the way we think about ourselves. Our group-based identity often goes to the core of our sense of self and our desire for dignity. For many women, their sense of identity arises as a result their experience as women, living within groups primarily governed by men. Though their sense of self and dignity comes from how the wider society treats women, they often have to face discrimination within local groups. They may have to submit to discriminatory practices and laws, as well engage in rituals, customs, and habits that reinscribe the subordinate status of women within the hierarchy of their religious, ethnic, or tribal identity. Many women acquiesce because they see their group identity as the most important aspect of their lives. Others resist, only to be branded as traitors or "bad women" who bring the group into disrepute. For outsiders, especially women's activists interested in pursuing gender equality, discrimination within minority groups and third world societies poses a profound set of challenges. On the one hand, the feminist movement has always seen itself as an ally of third world societies and minority groups in their fight for equality and struggle against discrimination and prejudice. On the other hand, as a movement for the recognition of personal choice, it has sought to maximize individual freedom and creativity even at the expense of the group. Fighting prejudice against underprivileged groups while struggling for women's empowerment goes to the heart of the modern dilemma between the universalism of human rights and the particularity of cultural experience. In a world where western imperialism has historically been the champion of third world females in Asia or Africa, the struggle for women's rights acquires another dimension. How does one fight for women's rights without being complicit in the racism and prejudice that characterizes Northern attitudes toward Southern countries or the majority-minority dynamics within particular societies? II. THE LEGACY OF COLONIALISM The historical legacy of colonialism points to the third world female as being an important part of the encounter between the West and third world societies. …
内部认同:文化相对主义、少数民族权利和妇女赋权
在过去的三十年里,“身份”的概念在政治、社会和文化辩论中占据了中心位置。查尔斯·泰勒将认同概念化为对真实自我的追寻安东尼·阿皮亚(Anthony Appiah)认为,身份认同涉及到我们从童年学到的叙事脚本的发挥无论我们是从人类人格的本质还是从社会生活的结构中寻找身份认同,身份政治无疑已经制约了许多关于权利、政治和正义的现代辩论。身份不是一种本质的、不可改变的、永久的状态,它有许多组成要素。未来的经历往往会改变个人身份的性质和方向。身份通常是复合的,由多个自我组成,经常竞争、矛盾和改变另一个自我。因此,身份重新建构自己,对意识形态和生活经验作出反应和协商。哲学家探索的主观身份必须与现实世界中身份的客观现实达成一致。正如人口普查和统计部门所证明的那样,在所有社会中,人们都是根据社会身份进行分类和识别的,特别是当它以宗教、种族或部落的方式表达时。这些以群体为基础的身份往往有助于决定我们在社会和政治阶层中的地位,也决定了人们在我们日常工作中对我们的态度和看法。这些陈规定型观念和千篇一律的描述为实现平等制造了障碍。它们也是歧视的实质,往往是权力和特权的基础。我们的主观认同感在很大程度上是由这种客观经验决定的,因为它与我们的日常生活和我们思考自己的方式相互作用。我们以群体为基础的身份认同往往是我们自我意识和对尊严的渴望的核心。对许多妇女来说,她们的认同感是由于她们作为妇女生活在主要由男子统治的群体中的经历而产生的。虽然她们的自我和尊严感来自于社会对女性的态度,但她们往往不得不面对当地群体的歧视。她们可能不得不服从歧视性的做法和法律,以及参与重新确立妇女在其宗教、种族或部落身份等级中的从属地位的仪式、习俗和习惯。许多女性默许了,因为她们认为自己的群体身份是她们生活中最重要的方面。还有一些人反抗,结果却被贴上了叛徒或“坏女人”的标签,使该组织声名狼藉。对于局外人,尤其是对追求性别平等感兴趣的女性活动家来说,少数群体和第三世界社会中的歧视构成了一系列深刻的挑战。一方面,女权运动一直认为自己是第三世界社会和少数群体争取平等、反对歧视和偏见的盟友。另一方面,作为一项承认个人选择的运动,它寻求最大限度地发挥个人自由和创造力,甚至以牺牲群体为代价。在争取赋予妇女权力的同时,反对对弱势群体的偏见,是人权的普遍性与文化经验的特殊性之间的现代困境的核心。在西方帝国主义历史上一直是亚洲或非洲第三世界妇女的捍卫者的世界里,争取妇女权利的斗争获得了另一个维度。一个人如何为妇女权利而战,而不与北方对待南方国家的种族主义和偏见或特定社会中多数人与少数人的关系串通一气呢?2殖民主义的遗产殖民主义的历史遗产指出,第三世界的女性是西方和第三世界社会相遇的重要组成部分。…
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CiteScore
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