Comment on “Chinese Fintech Innovation and Regulation”

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS
Johannes Ehrentraud
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

While the digitalization of finance is a global phenomenon, the trend is most remarkable in China, which is now home to two of the largest tech companies—big techs—in the world (Alibaba and Tencent). Against this backdrop, Chinese regulators have been confronted with the Herculean challenge to find a balance that embraces the promise of fintech while reducing potential harm to the financial system.

Chorzempa and Huang (2022) offer a review of the development of fintech in China and related regulatory actions. They highlight a number of yet unresolved policy issues, draw lessons from China's experience and offer some recommendations for Chinese authorities. Their paper concludes by assessing the regulatory response to fintech in China as being largely successful.

In China, to a large part, discussing fintech means discussing big techs. China is the largest market for both fintech credit and big tech credit in the world (FSB, 2020); and two big tech firms jointly account for 94% of its mobile payments market (Carstens et al., 2021). In 2018, big techs processed payments equivalent to 38% of gross domestic product (GDP) and they now have market capitalizations and credit ratings comparable to those of large banks (FSB, 2020).

Big techs have unique business models that differ from those of fintech players. Most importantly, big techs are exploiting activities with strong network effects, under which every additional user creates value for all others (see chapter 3 in BIS, 2019). Chui (2021) argues that these network effects can help explain the rise of Alibaba and Tencent, and that they ventured into financial services as a means to survive against competition, which is why he sees them as “accidental financiers” rather than “aggressive invaders”, at least during the initial stage.

Big techs' activities in financial services come with several policy challenges. Some are traditional policy concerns: financial risks, consumer protection and operational resilience; others are new challenges surrounding the concentration of market power and data governance (Carstens et al., 2021). These challenges are increasingly attracting the attention of policymakers. China is one of the countries where policy initiatives have emerged to cope with the risks presented by big techs, specifically in the areas of competition, data, conduct of business, operational resilience, and financial stability (Crisanto et al., 2021a).

Against this backdrop, Chorzempa and Huang review how fintech developed in China and what factors contributed to its growth. Their discussion usefully refers to the underlying economics of financial services in the context of digital innovation (Feyen et al., 2021); and contrasts the Chinese experience with that of other countries. Building on this, Chorzempa and Huang provide an overview of fintech policy developments based on a conceptual framework, the “Fintech Tree” (Ehrentraud et al., 2020). Policy areas reviewed are payments, peer-to-peer lending, cryptocurrencies, financial holding companies, competition policy, data protection and the “rectification” of Ant Group.

As one of their key recommendations, in line with Restoy (2021) and Crisanto et al. (2021b), Chorzempa and Huang advocate for more entity-based regulation to address the unique risks posed by big tech firms' unique characteristics and reduce the scope for regulatory arbitrage.

This recommendation should receive much support. The main rationale for an entity-based approach is that the risks generated by different entities performing a similar activity are not necessarily the same. Fintech/big tech players offering financial services must already satisfy regulatory requirements which are aligned, in principle, with those imposed on other market participants. But these activity-based rules are probably not enough. To the extent that risks emerge not only from the provision of a particular service but also from the combination of activities (as is the case for big techs), entity-based rules are called for.

评《中国金融科技创新与监管》
虽然金融数字化是一种全球现象,但这一趋势在中国最为显著,中国现在是世界上最大的两家科技公司(阿里巴巴和腾讯)的所在地。在这种背景下,中国监管机构面临着一项艰巨的挑战,即在拥抱金融科技前景的同时,减少对金融体系的潜在危害。Chorzempa和Huang(2022)对中国金融科技的发展和相关监管行动进行了回顾。他们强调了一些尚未解决的政策问题,从中国的经验中吸取了教训,并为中国当局提供了一些建议。他们的论文最后评估了中国对金融科技的监管反应在很大程度上是成功的。在中国,讨论金融科技在很大程度上意味着讨论大型科技公司。中国是全球最大的金融科技信贷和大型科技信贷市场(FSB, 2020);和两家大型科技公司共同占其移动支付市场的94% (Carstens et al., 2021)。2018年,大型科技公司处理的支付相当于国内生产总值(GDP)的38%,它们现在的市值和信用评级与大型银行相当(FSB, 2020)。大型科技公司拥有与金融科技公司不同的独特商业模式。最重要的是,大型科技公司正在利用具有强大网络效应的活动,在这些活动中,每个额外的用户都为所有其他人创造价值(见BIS, 2019年第3章)。Chui(2021)认为,这些网络效应可以帮助解释阿里巴巴和腾讯的崛起,他们冒险进入金融服务领域是为了在竞争中生存,这就是为什么他认为他们是“偶然的金融家”,而不是“侵略性的入侵者”,至少在初始阶段是这样。大型科技公司在金融服务领域的活动面临着几项政策挑战。其中一些是传统的政策问题:金融风险、消费者保护和运营弹性;其他则是围绕市场力量集中和数据治理的新挑战(Carstens et al., 2021)。这些挑战正日益引起政策制定者的注意。中国是已经出台政策举措来应对大型科技公司带来的风险的国家之一,特别是在竞争、数据、商业行为、运营弹性和金融稳定等领域(Crisanto等人,2021a)。在此背景下,Chorzempa和Huang回顾了金融科技在中国的发展历程,以及推动其发展的因素。他们的讨论有用地提到了数字创新背景下金融服务的潜在经济学(Feyen等人,2021);并将中国的经验与其他国家的经验进行对比。在此基础上,Chorzempa和Huang基于概念框架“金融科技树”(Ehrentraud et al., 2020)概述了金融科技政策的发展。审查的政策领域包括支付、点对点贷款、加密货币、金融控股公司、竞争政策、数据保护和蚂蚁集团的“整改”。作为他们的主要建议之一,与Restoy(2021)和Crisanto等人(2021b)一致,Chorzempa和Huang主张更多基于实体的监管,以解决大型科技公司独特特征带来的独特风险,并减少监管套利的范围。这项建议应该得到大力支持。基于实体的方法的主要原理是,执行类似活动的不同实体产生的风险不一定相同。提供金融服务的金融科技/大型科技公司必须已经满足监管要求,这些要求原则上与对其他市场参与者施加的要求一致。但这些基于活动的规则可能还不够。在某种程度上,风险不仅来自特定服务的提供,还来自活动的组合(就像大型科技公司的情况一样),因此需要基于实体的规则。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
12.90
自引率
2.60%
发文量
39
期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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