Rethinking Forests Governance as Global Commons: Devolution of Quasi-Property Rights to Indigenous Communities

IF 0.1 Q4 MEDICINE, GENERAL & INTERNAL
Sara Lorenzini
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Abstract

An increasing wave of « green capitalism » (Alper, 1993; Barron, 2005) undermines both environmental sustainability and democratic engagement worldwide: the forestry sector stands as a perfect example. Indeed, « green » policies like redd+ programmes and protected areas, often curb bottom-up participation and reduce forests’ multiple functions to the economic interests of few, contrarily to what the discourse on Sustainability calls for. This paper aims to develop an alternative proposal for a multi-stakeholder model for forest governance that overcomes the public v. private dichotomy (Ostrom, 2010) and constitutes a tool for a broader approach to sustainability. By linking the discourse on the commons (Arnold, 1998; Agrawal & Ostrom, 1999; Hardin, 1968; Dietz, Ostrom and Stern, 2003; Dolsak, Ostrom & McKay, 2003; Ellickinson, 1993; Ostrom, 1990, 1999, 2005, 2010; Ostrom, Gardner and Walker, 1994; Ostrom&Ostrom, 1977) with the discourse on justice (Rawls, 1971; Sen, 1980, 1999, 2009; Anderson, 1999, 2010; Goodin, 1988), I construct an argument for a two-level social contract. Forest-dependent Indigenous communities are entitled with quasi-property rights as part of their capabilities set, so they may become trustees of the global forests. Evidences about the Yanesha peoples in Perù and the Binh Son villagers in Vietnam back up the argument that communities can establish micro-social conventions as a response to lands’ occupation and forests’ degradation. This framework is aimed at both policy-makers and civil society to (i) justify and design decision- and policy-making and (ii) evaluate existing policies. Implementing it requires a paradigm shift from State-centred and neoliberal agenda towards innovative solutions in the name of sustainability and global justice.
重新思考森林治理作为全球公地:准产权向土著社区的转移
日益增长的“绿色资本主义”浪潮(Alper, 1993;Barron, 2005)破坏了世界范围内的环境可持续性和民主参与:林业部门就是一个完美的例子。事实上,“绿色”政策,如redd+项目和保护区,往往会抑制自下而上的参与,减少森林的多种功能,以满足少数人的经济利益,这与可持续发展的话语所要求的相反。本文旨在为森林治理的多利益相关者模型提出替代建议,该模型克服了公共与私人的二分法(Ostrom, 2010),并构成了更广泛的可持续性方法的工具。通过将公地的论述联系起来(Arnold, 1998;Agrawal & Ostrom, 1999;哈丁,1968;迪茨,奥斯特罗姆和斯特恩,2003;Dolsak, Ostrom & McKay, 2003;Ellickinson, 1993;奥斯特罗姆,1990,1999,2005,2010;奥斯特罗姆,加德纳和沃克,1994;Ostrom&Ostrom, 1977)与关于正义的论述(罗尔斯,1971;Sen, 1980, 1999, 2009;Anderson, 1999,2010;Goodin, 1988),我构建了一个双层社会契约的论证。以森林为生的土著社区享有准产权,这是他们能力的一部分,因此他们可能成为全球森林的受托人。关于Perù的Yanesha人和越南的Binh Son村民的证据支持了这样一种观点,即社区可以建立微观社会习俗,作为对土地占领和森林退化的回应。该框架旨在使决策者和民间社会(i)证明和设计决策和政策制定,以及(ii)评估现有政策。执行它需要从以国家为中心的新自由主义议程转向以可持续性和全球正义为名的创新解决办法。
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