Democracy’s Deficits

IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW
S. Issacharoff
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

Barely a quarter century after the collapse of the Soviet empire, it is democracy that has entered an intense period of public scrutiny. The election of President Trump and the Brexit vote are dramatic moments in a populist uprising against the postwar political consensus of liberal rule. But they are also signposts in a process long in the making, yet perhaps not fully appreciated until the intense electoral upheavals of recent years. The current moment is defined by the distrust of the institutional order of democracy and, more fundamentally, of the idea that there is a tomorrow and that the losers of today may unseat the victors in a new round of electoral challenge. At issue across the nuances of the national settings is a deep challenge to the core claim of democracy to be the superior form of political organization of civilized peoples. This Article roots the current democratic malaise not so much in the outcome of any particular election but in four central institutional challenges, each one a compromise of how democracy was consolidated over the past few centuries. The four are: first, the accelerated decline of political parties and other institutional forms of popular engagement; second, the paralysis of the legislative branches; third, the loss of a sense of social cohesion; and fourth, the decline in state competence. While there are no doubt other candidates for inducing anxiety over the state of democracy, these four have a particular salience in theories of democratic superiority that make their decline or loss a matter of grave concern. Among the great defenses of democracy stand the claims that democracies offer the superior form of participation, of deliberation, of solidarity, and of the capacity to get the job done. We need not arbitrate among the theories of participatory democracy, deliberative democracy, solidaristic democracy, or epistemic democratic superiority. Rather, we should note with concern that each of these theories states a claim for the advantages of democracy, and each faces worrisome disrepair.
民主的赤字
在苏联帝国崩溃仅仅四分之一个世纪之后,民主进入了一个公众密切关注的时期。特朗普当选总统和英国脱欧公投是民粹主义反抗战后自由主义统治政治共识的戏剧性时刻。但它们也是一个酝酿已久的过程中的路标,但也许直到近年激烈的选举动荡才得到充分认识。当前时刻的特点是对民主制度秩序的不信任,更根本的是对这样一种观点的不信任:明天是存在的,今天的失败者可能会在新一轮选举挑战中把胜利者赶下台。在国家环境的细微差别中存在的问题是对民主的核心主张的深刻挑战,民主是文明人民的高级政治组织形式。这篇文章与其说将当前的民主问题根植于某一特定选举的结果,不如说是根植于四个核心的制度挑战,每一个挑战都是对过去几个世纪民主如何得到巩固的妥协。这四个方面是:首先,政党和其他民众参与的制度性形式的加速衰落;第二,立法部门的瘫痪;第三,社会凝聚力的丧失;第四,国家能力的下降。虽然毫无疑问还有其他候选人会引起人们对民主状态的焦虑,但这四个国家在民主优越性理论中有着特别突出的地位,这使得它们的衰落或丧失成为人们严重关注的问题。在捍卫民主的诸多理由中,有一种主张认为,民主提供了更好的参与、审议、团结和完成工作的能力。我们不需要在参与式民主、协商式民主、团结式民主或认识论式民主优越性的理论之间进行仲裁。相反,我们应该关切地注意到,这些理论中的每一种都主张民主的优势,而且每一种都面临令人担忧的失修。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.40
自引率
5.00%
发文量
2
期刊介绍: The University of Chicago Law Review is a quarterly journal of legal scholarship. Often cited in Supreme Court and other court opinions, as well as in other scholarly works, it is among the most influential journals in the field. Students have full responsibility for editing and publishing the Law Review; they also contribute original scholarship of their own. The Law Review"s editorial board selects all pieces for publication and, with the assistance of staff members, performs substantive and technical edits on each of these pieces prior to publication.
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