{"title":"Fundamental Rights in a Post- Obergefell World","authors":"P. Nicolas","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2645978","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In this essay, I identify and critically examine several substantive criticisms raised by the dissents in the Supreme Court’s 2015 decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, which struck down state laws and constitutional provisions barring same-sex couples from marrying within the state or having their out-of-state marriages recognized by the state.Specifically, I address three points raised by the dissents. First, that the majority improperly framed the right at issue broadly as the right to marriage instead of narrowly as the right to same-sex marriage, conflicting with the Court’s holding in Washington v. Glucksberg that in fundamental rights cases the right at issue must be framed narrowly. This disregard of Glucksberg, according to one dissent, may lead to finding an analogous right to polygamous marriage. Second, that the right to marry sought in the case was a positive right, and that the Court thus erred in recognizing the right as fundamental under the Due Process Clause, which only protects negative rights. And finally, that the majority’s invocation of the Equal Protection Clause in tandem with the Due Process Clause in support of its conclusion was both doctrinally without support and violated the canon against unnecessarily deciding constitutional questions.I argue that the majority’s framing of the right was consistent with Glucksberg, demonstrating that the precedents upon which it was built, while requiring specific framing, do not call for the narrowest framing possible, and in turn that the majority’s approach does not necessitate a finding of a right to polygamous marriage. Furthermore, while agreeing with the dissents that the Due Process Clause protects only negative rights, I demonstrate that the Equal Protection Clause has historically protected positive rights. Because marriage has historically consisted of a bundle of rights, both positive and negative, the majority’s invocation of both clauses was both supported by precedent and necessary to the decision. Finally, I demonstrate that the two clauses, working in tandem, prevent states from eliminating civil marriage in the future, even if they eliminate it for same-sex and opposite-sex couples alike.","PeriodicalId":83555,"journal":{"name":"Yale journal of law and feminism","volume":"144 1","pages":"4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Yale journal of law and feminism","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2645978","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract
In this essay, I identify and critically examine several substantive criticisms raised by the dissents in the Supreme Court’s 2015 decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, which struck down state laws and constitutional provisions barring same-sex couples from marrying within the state or having their out-of-state marriages recognized by the state.Specifically, I address three points raised by the dissents. First, that the majority improperly framed the right at issue broadly as the right to marriage instead of narrowly as the right to same-sex marriage, conflicting with the Court’s holding in Washington v. Glucksberg that in fundamental rights cases the right at issue must be framed narrowly. This disregard of Glucksberg, according to one dissent, may lead to finding an analogous right to polygamous marriage. Second, that the right to marry sought in the case was a positive right, and that the Court thus erred in recognizing the right as fundamental under the Due Process Clause, which only protects negative rights. And finally, that the majority’s invocation of the Equal Protection Clause in tandem with the Due Process Clause in support of its conclusion was both doctrinally without support and violated the canon against unnecessarily deciding constitutional questions.I argue that the majority’s framing of the right was consistent with Glucksberg, demonstrating that the precedents upon which it was built, while requiring specific framing, do not call for the narrowest framing possible, and in turn that the majority’s approach does not necessitate a finding of a right to polygamous marriage. Furthermore, while agreeing with the dissents that the Due Process Clause protects only negative rights, I demonstrate that the Equal Protection Clause has historically protected positive rights. Because marriage has historically consisted of a bundle of rights, both positive and negative, the majority’s invocation of both clauses was both supported by precedent and necessary to the decision. Finally, I demonstrate that the two clauses, working in tandem, prevent states from eliminating civil marriage in the future, even if they eliminate it for same-sex and opposite-sex couples alike.
在这篇文章中,我确定并批判性地审视了最高法院2015年Obergefell v. Hodges一案中异议人士提出的几项实质性批评,该判决推翻了禁止同性伴侣在州内结婚或在州外结婚的州法律和宪法条款。具体地说,我要谈异议者提出的三点。首先,多数人不恰当地将争议权利广义地定义为婚姻权利,而不是狭义地定义为同性婚姻权利,这与最高法院在华盛顿诉格鲁克斯伯格案(Washington v. Glucksberg)中认为,在基本权利案件中,争议权利必须狭义地定义相冲突。根据一种不同意见,这种对格鲁克斯伯格的漠视可能会导致发现一种类似于一夫多妻婚姻的权利。第二,本案中所要求的结婚权利是一项积极权利,法院因此错误地承认这项权利是正当程序条款所规定的基本权利,该条款只保护消极权利。最后,多数派援引平等保护条款和正当程序条款来支持其结论,既在理论上没有依据,又违反了反对不必要地决定宪法问题的准则。我认为,多数人对这项权利的界定与格鲁克斯伯格案一致,表明这项权利赖以建立的先例,虽然需要具体的界定,但并不要求尽可能狭隘的界定,反过来,多数人的做法也不需要认定一夫多妻制婚姻的权利。此外,在同意正当程序条款只保护消极权利的反对意见的同时,我证明了平等保护条款在历史上保护了积极权利。由于婚姻在历史上由一系列权利组成,既有积极的也有消极的,多数人援引这两项条款都得到了先例的支持,也是做出决定的必要条件。最后,我证明了这两个条款,协同工作,阻止各州在未来取消民事婚姻,即使他们对同性和异性伴侣都取消了民事婚姻。