The First Amendment and Political Risk

IF 3 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW
M. Tushnet
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Speech can directly inflict harm, and can increase the risk that harm will occur. irst Amendment doctrine is at its core about the correct response to the fact that speech can increase the risk of social harm. Like all risks, First Amendment risk varies along several dimensions. This Essay focuses on three: distribution of risk, magnitude of risk, and magnitude of social benefit.Consideration of the institutional relationship between courts and legislatures is more central to analyzing judicially developed free speech doctrine than is a direct assessment of risk, its magnitude and distribution, and the social benefits of speech. Courts cannot completely avoid such direct assessments, but after they make a rough judgment about these matters, they must consider the institutional question of whether, and more important how, they should respond when their assessments differ from the legislature’s. Vince Blasi’s classic article, The Pathological Perspective and the First Amendment, argued that First Amendment doctrine rested on the accurate view that courts could reliably identify certain pathologies in the legislative process that predictably generated systematically excessive legislative assessments of the degree to which speech increased the risk of harm. This Essay addresses a different pathology, located in the judicial branch rather than the legislative one. I motivate the argument by describing several cases in which the courts’ assessment of the risk that speech causes harm seems mistaken, either because the courts seem to be mistaken in thinking that the legislature’s estimates of the risk of harm are excessive or because the courts are insensitive to questions about the distribution of harm. In conjunction with that description I offer a diagnosis of the judicial pathology, which, following Duncan Kennedy, I call the rule-ification of doctrine, that is, the tendency over time for courts to replace doctrine articulated in the form of standards with doctrine articulated in the form of rules with exceptions. I explain why that tendency occurs and can be normatively justified, but that it can produce pathologies when the courts resist, for a variety of reasons, the proliferation of exceptions to the rules. I conclude with a discussion of the obvious treatment, given that diagnosis – the injection of standards into the rule-ified system. I observe, though, that such an injection might not occur for the reasons that lead courts to rule-ify, and that in any event the tendency to rule-ification will assert itself even after an injection of standards.
第一修正案与政治风险
言论可以直接造成伤害,并且可以增加伤害发生的风险。第一修正案原则的核心是对言论可能增加社会危害风险这一事实的正确回应。像所有的风险一样,第一修正案的风险在几个方面有所不同。本文主要关注三个方面:风险分布、风险大小和社会效益大小。在分析司法上形成的言论自由原则时,考虑法院和立法机构之间的制度关系比直接评估风险、风险的大小和分布以及言论的社会效益更为重要。法院不可能完全避免这种直接的评估,但在对这些问题做出粗略的判断之后,它们必须考虑一个制度问题,即当它们的评估与立法机关的评估不同时,它们是否应该做出回应,更重要的是,它们应该如何回应。文斯·布拉西(Vince Blasi)的经典文章《病态视角与第一修正案》(The Pathological Perspective and The First Amendment)认为,第一修正案原则基于这样一种准确的观点,即法院可以可靠地识别立法过程中的某些病态,这些病态可预见地产生了对言论增加伤害风险程度的系统性过度立法评估。本文讨论的是一种不同的病态,它位于司法部门而不是立法部门。我通过描述几个案例来推动这一论点,在这些案例中,法院对言论造成伤害的风险的评估似乎是错误的,要么是因为法院似乎错误地认为立法机构对伤害风险的估计过高,要么是因为法院对伤害分布的问题不敏感。结合这一描述,我对司法病理学进行了诊断,我将其称为原则的规则化,也就是说,随着时间的推移,法院倾向于用带有例外的规则形式的原则取代以标准形式表达的原则。我解释了为什么这种倾向会发生,并且在规范上是合理的,但当法院出于各种原因抵制规则例外的激增时,它会产生病态。最后,我将讨论考虑到这种诊断的显而易见的治疗方法——将标准注入规则化的体系。然而,我观察到,这种注入可能不会因为导致法院规则化的原因而发生,而且在任何情况下,即使在注入标准之后,规则化的倾向也会坚持自己。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
4.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
3
审稿时长
16 weeks
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