From Yeltsin to Putin

Ariel Cohen
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

Milestones on an Unfinished Journey BORIS YELTSIN'S PASSING FROM the world scene demonstrates once again how one man can change history. If not for Yeltsin, Russia today might still be ruled by the Soviet Communist Party, either in reformist or Stalinist incarnation. But Yeltsin only started the long and still unfinished business of reforming Russia. He has left much of the job to his hand-picked successor, Vladimir Putin, the steely-eyed former intelligence officer and ex-head of the Russian secret police who only a year ago was a complete unknown. It is now up to Putin to tackle the future of Russia and its centuries-old problem of integration into the West. As the Soviet Union collapsed, the Russian reform-oriented elites led by Yeltsin attempted a political modernization that included the wholesale import of Western-style political machinery. The trappings of democracy installed in Russia included participatory elections, the creation of an office of the president, and the adoption of a constitution influenced by pre-revolutionary Russian political practice, the French Fifth Republic, and the United States. But as has been true since the time of Peter the Great, when Western practices are planted in Russian soil, they acquire uniquely Russian characteristics. Putin's presidency will inevitably be evaluated in the light of the successes (or failures) of the political and economic reforms started under Yeltsin and Gorbachev. Putin's March 26, 2000 presidential bid wasn't quite a formally uncontested election of the kind that was a hallmark of the Soviet era, but it still presents a peculiarly Russian phenomenon -- the election of a monarch. The wildly popular political novice Putin ran without a strong opponent, and at this writing looked to face no serious obstacles on his way to the presidency. After a "dirty tricks" campaign aimed against them, former Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov and Moscow's Mayor Yurii Luzhkov, both of whom appeared formidable only a year ago, opted not to enter the contest. The consensus in Moscow is that the young, ambitious, and focused Putin will be very much a hands-on leader, inheriting the legacy of the impetuous and autocratic Yeltsin. Sorting out Yeltsin's past role and Putin's future rule is an important challenge for Western policy experts and politicians. It is also important to understand how Russia is really ruled, and not to be misled by those familiar Western terms: elections, parliament, president. We must see Russia for what it is -- a huge country that has been stuck in what the Russians call "catchup modernization" for the past 300 years, but does not really consider itself to be entirely a part of the West. As in the past, Russia today is ruled by elites who are willing to acquire Western goods and concepts, but do not fully identify with the West and often are envious of it. The world's ability to live with and next to Russia now hangs in the hands of Putin. Yeltsin's ambiguous place in history LIKE MANY RUSSIAN rulers before him, Yeltsin started out a reformer and wound up a retrograde. While he earlier defied the communist putschists, liberated prices, and launched a massive privatization, he later ended up presiding over the economic crash of August 1998 and the destruction of Chechnya. His resignation on the eve of New Year's 2000 concluded an era in Russian politics that began with Mikhail Gorbachev's ascent to power in 1985. This was the era of dismantling communism, the centrally planned economy, and the Soviet multinational empire. By the time Yeltsin assumed office, Gorbachev had pulled most Soviet forces out of the external empire and had refrained from interfering when democrats toppled the communist governments in Eastern and Central Europe. In fact, Gorbachev reportedly encouraged the removal of the hard-line leadership of East Germany, led by Erich Honecker, and he had no kind words for the Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceaucescu upon his demise. …
从叶利钦到普京
鲍里斯·叶利钦从世界舞台上消失再一次证明了一个人是如何改变历史的。如果不是叶利钦,今天的俄罗斯可能仍然由苏联共产党统治,要么是改革派,要么是斯大林主义的化身。但叶利钦只是开始了漫长而尚未完成的俄罗斯改革事业。他将大部分工作留给了自己精心挑选的继任者弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin),这位目光犀利的前情报官员和前俄罗斯秘密警察局长,在一年前还是一个完全不为人知的人。现在要靠普京来解决俄罗斯的未来,以及它融入西方的几个世纪的问题。随着苏联解体,以叶利钦为首的俄罗斯改革派精英试图进行政治现代化,其中包括大规模引进西式政治机器。俄罗斯民主的标志包括参与式选举,总统办公室的设立,以及受革命前俄罗斯政治实践、法兰西第五共和国和美国影响的宪法的采用。但正如彼得大帝时代以来的情况一样,当西方的做法在俄罗斯的土地上生根发芽时,它们就获得了独特的俄罗斯特色。普京的总统任期将不可避免地根据叶利钦和戈尔巴乔夫开始的政治和经济改革的成功(或失败)来评估。普京在2000年3月26日的总统竞选并不是苏联时代那种正式的无争议选举,但它仍然呈现出一种独特的俄罗斯现象——君主选举。广受欢迎的政治新手普京在竞选中没有一个强有力的对手,在撰写本文时,他在通往总统宝座的道路上似乎没有遇到严重的障碍。莫斯科的共识是,年轻、雄心勃勃、专注的普京将是一位非常亲力亲为的领导人,继承了冲动而专制的叶利钦的遗产。理清叶利钦过去的角色和普京未来的统治是西方政策专家和政治家面临的一个重要挑战。了解俄罗斯是如何被统治的也很重要,不要被那些熟悉的西方术语所误导:选举、议会、总统。我们必须看清俄罗斯的本来面目——这个大国在过去300年里一直陷入俄罗斯人所说的“追赶现代化”,但并不真正认为自己完全是西方的一部分。和过去一样,今天的俄罗斯是由精英统治的,他们愿意获得西方的商品和概念,但并不完全认同西方,而且经常嫉妒西方。世界能否与俄罗斯共存,能否与俄罗斯为邻,现在就掌握在普京手中。叶利钦在历史上的模棱两可的地位和他之前的许多俄罗斯统治者一样,叶利钦开始是一个改革者,最后却走向了倒退。虽然他早些时候蔑视共产主义叛乱者,解放了价格,并发起了大规模的私有化,但他后来最终主持了1998年8月的经济崩溃和车臣的毁灭。他在2000年新年前夕辞职,结束了始于米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev) 1985年上台的俄罗斯政治时代。这是共产主义、中央计划经济和苏联多民族帝国解体的时代。到叶利钦上任时,戈尔巴乔夫已经将大部分苏联军队撤出了外部帝国,并在民主人士推翻东欧和中欧的共产主义政府时克制了自己的干涉。事实上,据报道,戈尔巴乔夫鼓励推翻由埃里希·昂纳克(Erich Honecker)领导的东德强硬派领导层,而且在罗马尼亚独裁者尼古拉·齐奥塞斯库(Nicolae Ceaucescu)去世时,他也没有对他说一句好话。...
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