Spatial Separation between Manufacturing and Consumption of Stone Axes as an Evidence of Craft Specialization in Prehistoric Russian Karelia/Kivikirveste Tootmise Ja Kasutamise Ruumiline Eraldumine Kasitoo Spetsialiseerumise Toendina Eneoliitikumis Vene Karjalas
{"title":"Spatial Separation between Manufacturing and Consumption of Stone Axes as an Evidence of Craft Specialization in Prehistoric Russian Karelia/Kivikirveste Tootmise Ja Kasutamise Ruumiline Eraldumine Kasitoo Spetsialiseerumise Toendina Eneoliitikumis Vene Karjalas","authors":"A. Tarasov","doi":"10.3176/arch.2015.2.01","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Introduction. Chopping tools of the Russian Karelian type Cultural context The article is devoted to discussion of some issues associated with the industry of wood-chopping tools (axes, adzes, gouges) of the so-called Russian Karelian or Eastern Karelian type. It is argued here that peculiarities of this industry testify to the existence of craft specialization, and the main emphasis is placed on spatial separation between production and consumption areas, i.e. zones with and without evidences of manufacturing activities. The industry is characteristic for the sites with different varieties of Asbestos Ware, which are dated to the period from ca 3500 cal BC to ca 1500 cal BC based on the available radiocarbon dates, though the final phase of this cultural group is not completely clear due to the lack of sources (Zhul'nikov 1999, 76 f.; Kosmenko 2003; Zhulnikov et al. 2012). This period is labelled as Eneolithic in the Karelian research tradition due to the presence of tiny pieces of native copper in some assemblages. In neighbouring Finland, where synchronous sites belonged to generally the same cultural tradition, it is not separated from the Neolithic (see Nordqvist & Herva 2013). It should be also noted that this type of chopping tools and its specific technology were not unique to Karelia. Very similar industry based on flint and silicified limestone was also characteristic, at least, for Volosovo culture sites in the Upper Volga region (Tarasov & Kostyleva 2015). However, as the latter industry has not been properly studied so far, it will not be discussed here, and the name of the Russian Karelian type is used in this article only for tools made of rocks available in the Lake Onega area. The subsistence system in both Finland and Karelia was still largely based on hunting and gathering with a great deal of exploitation of aquatic resources (Savvateev & Vereshchagin 1978; Kotivuori 1993; Halen 1994, 164; Pesonen 1996, 112; Ukkonen 1996, 78; Koivunen 1997, 50; Karjalainen 1999, 186; Katiskoski 2002, 194; Leskinen 2002, 168; Pesonen 2006, 204; Mokkonen 2011, 37), although there is indirect evidence of small-scale agriculture, quite numerous at the moment but still very controversial (Mokkonen 2011; Lahtinen & Rowley-Conwy 2013). Despite the hunter-gatherer's economy, we can suspect remarkable degree of sedentism based on the spread of long-term semi-subterranean dwellings, exceeding 50 [m.sup.2] and in some cases even 100 [m.sup.2] (Zhul'nikov 2003, 126 f.; Mokkonen 2011, 29-65). The period of demographic growth followed by a new decline can be suggested for the period ca 6000-4000 cal. BP (ca 4000-2000 cal. BC) in Finland based on the distribution of available radiocarbon dates (Tallavaara et al. 2010). This result, at least, can be mentioned in the context of this discussion, though the use of the radiocarbon record as a proxy for studying ancient demography can be subjected to reasonable criticism (for discussion see Mokkonen 2014; Tallavaara et al. 2014). Radiocarbon record in the neighboring Karelia is too small and not sufficient for similar study. The presence of large houses and active participation in long-distance exchange gave reasons to some researchers to propose considerable degree of cultural and social complexity (Tarasov 2006; Costopoulos et al. 2012 and references cited). As we know from ethnography and ethnoarchaeology, social complexity can appear among hunter-gatherer populations in certain circumstances. Some of these populations, labelled as complex hunter-gatherers, have been reported from Northern America, especially the north-west coast. They are characterized by a remarkable level of formal hierarchy with leaders inheriting their positions, the presence of lineages of differential status and in some cases even slaves. Resource storage, i.e. accumulation of surplus, active trade, development of elaborate technologies and \"representational arts\" belong to the set of phenomena that can be observed within such societies (Lyapunova 1972; Brown & Price 1985; Arnold 1993; Max Friesen 1999; 2007). …","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":"55 1","pages":"83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"9","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3176/arch.2015.2.01","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ARCHAEOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9
Abstract
Introduction. Chopping tools of the Russian Karelian type Cultural context The article is devoted to discussion of some issues associated with the industry of wood-chopping tools (axes, adzes, gouges) of the so-called Russian Karelian or Eastern Karelian type. It is argued here that peculiarities of this industry testify to the existence of craft specialization, and the main emphasis is placed on spatial separation between production and consumption areas, i.e. zones with and without evidences of manufacturing activities. The industry is characteristic for the sites with different varieties of Asbestos Ware, which are dated to the period from ca 3500 cal BC to ca 1500 cal BC based on the available radiocarbon dates, though the final phase of this cultural group is not completely clear due to the lack of sources (Zhul'nikov 1999, 76 f.; Kosmenko 2003; Zhulnikov et al. 2012). This period is labelled as Eneolithic in the Karelian research tradition due to the presence of tiny pieces of native copper in some assemblages. In neighbouring Finland, where synchronous sites belonged to generally the same cultural tradition, it is not separated from the Neolithic (see Nordqvist & Herva 2013). It should be also noted that this type of chopping tools and its specific technology were not unique to Karelia. Very similar industry based on flint and silicified limestone was also characteristic, at least, for Volosovo culture sites in the Upper Volga region (Tarasov & Kostyleva 2015). However, as the latter industry has not been properly studied so far, it will not be discussed here, and the name of the Russian Karelian type is used in this article only for tools made of rocks available in the Lake Onega area. The subsistence system in both Finland and Karelia was still largely based on hunting and gathering with a great deal of exploitation of aquatic resources (Savvateev & Vereshchagin 1978; Kotivuori 1993; Halen 1994, 164; Pesonen 1996, 112; Ukkonen 1996, 78; Koivunen 1997, 50; Karjalainen 1999, 186; Katiskoski 2002, 194; Leskinen 2002, 168; Pesonen 2006, 204; Mokkonen 2011, 37), although there is indirect evidence of small-scale agriculture, quite numerous at the moment but still very controversial (Mokkonen 2011; Lahtinen & Rowley-Conwy 2013). Despite the hunter-gatherer's economy, we can suspect remarkable degree of sedentism based on the spread of long-term semi-subterranean dwellings, exceeding 50 [m.sup.2] and in some cases even 100 [m.sup.2] (Zhul'nikov 2003, 126 f.; Mokkonen 2011, 29-65). The period of demographic growth followed by a new decline can be suggested for the period ca 6000-4000 cal. BP (ca 4000-2000 cal. BC) in Finland based on the distribution of available radiocarbon dates (Tallavaara et al. 2010). This result, at least, can be mentioned in the context of this discussion, though the use of the radiocarbon record as a proxy for studying ancient demography can be subjected to reasonable criticism (for discussion see Mokkonen 2014; Tallavaara et al. 2014). Radiocarbon record in the neighboring Karelia is too small and not sufficient for similar study. The presence of large houses and active participation in long-distance exchange gave reasons to some researchers to propose considerable degree of cultural and social complexity (Tarasov 2006; Costopoulos et al. 2012 and references cited). As we know from ethnography and ethnoarchaeology, social complexity can appear among hunter-gatherer populations in certain circumstances. Some of these populations, labelled as complex hunter-gatherers, have been reported from Northern America, especially the north-west coast. They are characterized by a remarkable level of formal hierarchy with leaders inheriting their positions, the presence of lineages of differential status and in some cases even slaves. Resource storage, i.e. accumulation of surplus, active trade, development of elaborate technologies and "representational arts" belong to the set of phenomena that can be observed within such societies (Lyapunova 1972; Brown & Price 1985; Arnold 1993; Max Friesen 1999; 2007). …