Spatial Separation between Manufacturing and Consumption of Stone Axes as an Evidence of Craft Specialization in Prehistoric Russian Karelia/Kivikirveste Tootmise Ja Kasutamise Ruumiline Eraldumine Kasitoo Spetsialiseerumise Toendina Eneoliitikumis Vene Karjalas

IF 0.9 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY
A. Tarasov
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The industry is characteristic for the sites with different varieties of Asbestos Ware, which are dated to the period from ca 3500 cal BC to ca 1500 cal BC based on the available radiocarbon dates, though the final phase of this cultural group is not completely clear due to the lack of sources (Zhul'nikov 1999, 76 f.; Kosmenko 2003; Zhulnikov et al. 2012). This period is labelled as Eneolithic in the Karelian research tradition due to the presence of tiny pieces of native copper in some assemblages. In neighbouring Finland, where synchronous sites belonged to generally the same cultural tradition, it is not separated from the Neolithic (see Nordqvist & Herva 2013). It should be also noted that this type of chopping tools and its specific technology were not unique to Karelia. Very similar industry based on flint and silicified limestone was also characteristic, at least, for Volosovo culture sites in the Upper Volga region (Tarasov & Kostyleva 2015). However, as the latter industry has not been properly studied so far, it will not be discussed here, and the name of the Russian Karelian type is used in this article only for tools made of rocks available in the Lake Onega area. The subsistence system in both Finland and Karelia was still largely based on hunting and gathering with a great deal of exploitation of aquatic resources (Savvateev & Vereshchagin 1978; Kotivuori 1993; Halen 1994, 164; Pesonen 1996, 112; Ukkonen 1996, 78; Koivunen 1997, 50; Karjalainen 1999, 186; Katiskoski 2002, 194; Leskinen 2002, 168; Pesonen 2006, 204; Mokkonen 2011, 37), although there is indirect evidence of small-scale agriculture, quite numerous at the moment but still very controversial (Mokkonen 2011; Lahtinen & Rowley-Conwy 2013). Despite the hunter-gatherer's economy, we can suspect remarkable degree of sedentism based on the spread of long-term semi-subterranean dwellings, exceeding 50 [m.sup.2] and in some cases even 100 [m.sup.2] (Zhul'nikov 2003, 126 f.; Mokkonen 2011, 29-65). The period of demographic growth followed by a new decline can be suggested for the period ca 6000-4000 cal. BP (ca 4000-2000 cal. BC) in Finland based on the distribution of available radiocarbon dates (Tallavaara et al. 2010). This result, at least, can be mentioned in the context of this discussion, though the use of the radiocarbon record as a proxy for studying ancient demography can be subjected to reasonable criticism (for discussion see Mokkonen 2014; Tallavaara et al. 2014). Radiocarbon record in the neighboring Karelia is too small and not sufficient for similar study. The presence of large houses and active participation in long-distance exchange gave reasons to some researchers to propose considerable degree of cultural and social complexity (Tarasov 2006; Costopoulos et al. 2012 and references cited). As we know from ethnography and ethnoarchaeology, social complexity can appear among hunter-gatherer populations in certain circumstances. Some of these populations, labelled as complex hunter-gatherers, have been reported from Northern America, especially the north-west coast. They are characterized by a remarkable level of formal hierarchy with leaders inheriting their positions, the presence of lineages of differential status and in some cases even slaves. Resource storage, i.e. accumulation of surplus, active trade, development of elaborate technologies and \"representational arts\" belong to the set of phenomena that can be observed within such societies (Lyapunova 1972; Brown & Price 1985; Arnold 1993; Max Friesen 1999; 2007). …","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":"55 1","pages":"83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"9","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3176/arch.2015.2.01","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ARCHAEOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9

Abstract

Introduction. Chopping tools of the Russian Karelian type Cultural context The article is devoted to discussion of some issues associated with the industry of wood-chopping tools (axes, adzes, gouges) of the so-called Russian Karelian or Eastern Karelian type. It is argued here that peculiarities of this industry testify to the existence of craft specialization, and the main emphasis is placed on spatial separation between production and consumption areas, i.e. zones with and without evidences of manufacturing activities. The industry is characteristic for the sites with different varieties of Asbestos Ware, which are dated to the period from ca 3500 cal BC to ca 1500 cal BC based on the available radiocarbon dates, though the final phase of this cultural group is not completely clear due to the lack of sources (Zhul'nikov 1999, 76 f.; Kosmenko 2003; Zhulnikov et al. 2012). This period is labelled as Eneolithic in the Karelian research tradition due to the presence of tiny pieces of native copper in some assemblages. In neighbouring Finland, where synchronous sites belonged to generally the same cultural tradition, it is not separated from the Neolithic (see Nordqvist & Herva 2013). It should be also noted that this type of chopping tools and its specific technology were not unique to Karelia. Very similar industry based on flint and silicified limestone was also characteristic, at least, for Volosovo culture sites in the Upper Volga region (Tarasov & Kostyleva 2015). However, as the latter industry has not been properly studied so far, it will not be discussed here, and the name of the Russian Karelian type is used in this article only for tools made of rocks available in the Lake Onega area. The subsistence system in both Finland and Karelia was still largely based on hunting and gathering with a great deal of exploitation of aquatic resources (Savvateev & Vereshchagin 1978; Kotivuori 1993; Halen 1994, 164; Pesonen 1996, 112; Ukkonen 1996, 78; Koivunen 1997, 50; Karjalainen 1999, 186; Katiskoski 2002, 194; Leskinen 2002, 168; Pesonen 2006, 204; Mokkonen 2011, 37), although there is indirect evidence of small-scale agriculture, quite numerous at the moment but still very controversial (Mokkonen 2011; Lahtinen & Rowley-Conwy 2013). Despite the hunter-gatherer's economy, we can suspect remarkable degree of sedentism based on the spread of long-term semi-subterranean dwellings, exceeding 50 [m.sup.2] and in some cases even 100 [m.sup.2] (Zhul'nikov 2003, 126 f.; Mokkonen 2011, 29-65). The period of demographic growth followed by a new decline can be suggested for the period ca 6000-4000 cal. BP (ca 4000-2000 cal. BC) in Finland based on the distribution of available radiocarbon dates (Tallavaara et al. 2010). This result, at least, can be mentioned in the context of this discussion, though the use of the radiocarbon record as a proxy for studying ancient demography can be subjected to reasonable criticism (for discussion see Mokkonen 2014; Tallavaara et al. 2014). Radiocarbon record in the neighboring Karelia is too small and not sufficient for similar study. The presence of large houses and active participation in long-distance exchange gave reasons to some researchers to propose considerable degree of cultural and social complexity (Tarasov 2006; Costopoulos et al. 2012 and references cited). As we know from ethnography and ethnoarchaeology, social complexity can appear among hunter-gatherer populations in certain circumstances. Some of these populations, labelled as complex hunter-gatherers, have been reported from Northern America, especially the north-west coast. They are characterized by a remarkable level of formal hierarchy with leaders inheriting their positions, the presence of lineages of differential status and in some cases even slaves. Resource storage, i.e. accumulation of surplus, active trade, development of elaborate technologies and "representational arts" belong to the set of phenomena that can be observed within such societies (Lyapunova 1972; Brown & Price 1985; Arnold 1993; Max Friesen 1999; 2007). …
介绍。本文致力于讨论与所谓的俄罗斯卡累利阿或东卡累利阿类型的木材切割工具(斧头,锛,凿)工业有关的一些问题。本文认为,该行业的特殊性证明了工艺专业化的存在,主要强调的是生产和消费区域之间的空间分离,即有和没有制造活动证据的区域。该行业的特点是拥有不同种类的石棉制品的遗址,根据现有的放射性碳年代测定,这些石棉制品的年代可以追溯到公元前3500年至公元前1500年,尽管由于缺乏来源,这个文化群体的最后阶段并不完全清楚(Zhul'nikov 1999, 76 f.;Kosmenko 2003;Zhulnikov et al. 2012)。在卡累利阿的研究传统中,这一时期被标记为新石器时代,因为在一些组合中存在小块的天然铜。在邻国芬兰,同步遗址通常属于相同的文化传统,它并没有与新石器时代分开(见Nordqvist & Herva 2013)。还应该指出的是,这种类型的切割工具及其特定技术并不是卡累利阿所独有的。至少在伏尔加河上游地区的Volosovo文化遗址中,基于燧石和硅化石灰岩的非常相似的工业也是特征(Tarasov & Kostyleva 2015)。然而,由于到目前为止,后一种工业还没有得到适当的研究,所以这里不讨论它,本文中使用的俄罗斯卡累利阿类型的名称仅用于奥涅加湖地区可用的岩石制成的工具。芬兰和卡累利阿的生存系统仍然主要以狩猎和采集为基础,并对水生资源进行了大量开发(Savvateev & Vereshchagin 1978;Kotivuori 1993;海伦1994,164;Pesonen 1996,112;Ukkonen 1996, 78;Koivunen 1997,50;Karjalainen 1999,186;Katiskoski 2002, 194;Leskinen 2002, 168;Pesonen 2006, 204;Mokkonen 2011, 37),虽然有间接证据表明小规模农业存在,但目前数量相当多,但仍然非常有争议(Mokkonen 2011;Lahtinen & Rowley-Conwy 2013)。尽管是狩猎采集者的经济,但根据长期半地下住宅的分布,我们可以怀疑有相当程度的定居生活,超过50平方米。[2]在某些情况下甚至达到100米。[2][竺可夫2003,26 f.]Mokkonen 2011,29 -65)。根据可获得的放射性碳年代分布(Tallavaara et al. 2010),芬兰大约6000-4000 cal. BP(约4000-2000 cal. BC)为人口增长之后的新衰退时期(Tallavaara et al. 2010)。这个结果,至少,可以在这个讨论的背景下提到,尽管使用放射性碳记录作为研究古代人口统计学的代理可能会受到合理的批评(讨论见Mokkonen 2014;Tallavaara et al. 2014)。邻近的卡累利阿的放射性碳记录太少,不足以进行类似的研究。大房子的存在和对远距离交流的积极参与使一些研究人员有理由提出相当程度的文化和社会复杂性(Tarasov 2006;Costopoulos et al. 2012和参考文献引用)。正如我们从民族志和民族考古学中了解到的那样,在某些情况下,社会复杂性可以出现在狩猎采集人群中。据报道,其中一些被称为复杂狩猎采集者的种群来自北美,特别是西北海岸。他们的特点是有明显的正式等级制度,领导人继承他们的职位,存在不同地位的血统,在某些情况下甚至是奴隶。资源储存,即盈余的积累,活跃的贸易,复杂技术的发展和“代表性艺术”属于可以在这些社会中观察到的一组现象(Lyapunova 1972;Brown & Price 1985;阿诺德1993;Max Friesen 1999;2007)。…
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CiteScore
2.20
自引率
50.00%
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审稿时长
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