Recognition: A Case Study on the Original Understanding of Executive Power

Robert J. Reinstein
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Abstract

This article focuses on a question never before examined in the literature: what evidence is there that those who participated in the drafting and ratification of the Constitution understood that a plenary recognition power was being vested in the president? For at least a century, presidents have used the recognition power as an important tool in conducting and determining the content of the nation’s foreign policy. Although most exercises of presidential power have generated heated disputes between pro-presidentialist and pro-congressionalist scholars, there is little dispute about the recognition power. A string of Supreme Court decisions, dating back at least to 1937, states that recognition is a plenary power of the President; and scholars have both influenced and fallen into line with this view. Given this long historical stamp of approval, it may seem predictable that there has been little written questioning whether there is an originalist basis for a plenary executive recognition power. Yet the Constitution does not mention recognition, and it is easier to assert the existence of Executive power than to identify its source. After dismissing textualist arguments for the recognition power, this Article proceeds to a detailed originalist inquiry. Obtaining recognition from and establishing diplomatic relations with European countries were central aims of Congress during the War of Independence and Confederation period. Given this historical experience, which demonstrated the importance and dangers of the recognition power, one would expect that this subject would have been a matter of special attention in the Constitutional Convention and ratification debates. Yet, although the Anti-Federalists attacked, and the Federalists defended, every power that was thought to be vested in the President by the Constitution, there is no discussion, in all of the voluminous records that we possess, of either of the receive ambassadors or executive vesting clauses as being a source of executive power – and no discussion at all of the power to recognize foreign states or governments. The conclusion of this paper is that there is no originalist justification for a plenary executive recognition power. On the other hand, the article proposes an explanation for the founders’ silence that also precludes a firm conclusion that this power was deliberately denied to the President. The founders left a void in the Constitution.
承认:对行政权原初认识的个案研究
本文关注的是文献中从未研究过的一个问题:有什么证据表明,那些参与起草和批准宪法的人明白,总统拥有全面的承认权?至少一个世纪以来,总统们一直将承认权作为执行和确定国家外交政策内容的重要工具。虽然大部分总统权力的行使在亲总统派和亲国会派学者之间引发了激烈的争论,但对承认权的争论却很少。至少可以追溯到1937年的一系列最高法院判决表明,承认是总统的全部权力;学者们既受到这种观点的影响,也认同这种观点。考虑到这一历史悠久的批准印记,似乎可以预见的是,很少有人书面质疑行政部门的全体认可权是否有原始主义基础。然而,宪法没有提到承认,而且断言行政权力的存在比确定其来源更容易。在驳斥了文本主义者对承认权的争论之后,本文开始对原旨主义者进行详细的探究。在独立战争和邦联时期,获得欧洲国家的承认并与之建立外交关系是国会的中心目标。鉴于这一表明承认权力的重要性和危险性的历史经验,人们会期望这一问题在制宪会议和批准辩论中将是一个特别注意的问题。然而,尽管反联邦党人攻击而联邦党人捍卫宪法赋予总统的每一项权力,但在我们所拥有的大量记录中,却没有讨论过接收大使或行政授权条款是行政权力的来源——也没有讨论过承认外国国家或政府的权力。本文的结论是,没有原旨主义的理由来证明行政机关的全部承认权。另一方面,这篇文章对开国元勋们的沉默提出了一个解释,也排除了一个明确的结论,即这一权力是故意剥夺给总统的。开国元勋们在宪法中留下了空白。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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