G. Tenenbaum, S. Razon, Brooke Thompson, E. Filho, Itay Basevitch
{"title":"The judgement of research quality: a response to John Smith","authors":"G. Tenenbaum, S. Razon, Brooke Thompson, E. Filho, Itay Basevitch","doi":"10.1080/19398440902908969","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The paper by John Smith (2009) relies on the assumption that positivists’ proPopperian methodology of making science is historically rooted in some kind of a social-political-religious conspiracy aimed at exhibiting power of respective institutions. It remains, however, the mainstream methodology today though it is not explicitly claimed to be attributed to the same reasons. The conclusions of the article are somewhat different from sharing the ‘conspiracy theory’, and are based more on familial experiences, and their personal interpretations. The main question after reading the article remains: How can we distinguish between good and ‘not so good’ scientific inquiries, and does this article provide us with better tools to do so? I will briefly share with the readers my impressions and reflections. It is claimed that well-known scientists, such as Galton and Pearson, among others, developed their scientific methods and tools to justify the interests and policies of the formal institution about the distribution of intelligence among human beings. To do so, also the statistical methods of observing and analysing data, which pertain to intelligence, were developed to satisfy the ‘power intentions’ of policy-makers, who happen to belong of course to the upper class. To make justice to this view, one may assume that political interests indeed govern research preference; this is the case also with US NIH and NSF grants today. However, does this indicate that the research method adapts accordingly to political preferences? Isn’t it more reasonable to assume that the first statisticians in the UK, headed by Fisher, were driven more by developing statistical tools which better fit the data and phenomenon under investigation than by ‘power and dominance’ needs? Say this tools would not be developed, can we assume that intelligence is NOT normally distributed in the population? What exactly one tries to say here: Is the distribution of intelligence in the population dependent on institutional power interest? Of course, the arguments about political and institutional power are valid today as they were in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but the making of science and the development of scientific tools were independent of these needs, unless one comes and presents hard evidence of this conspiracy theory. This of course is not aimed at disputing the new trend of using qualitative and mixed methods in social and behavioural sciences. Just as rigorous are the methods in the life and natural","PeriodicalId":92578,"journal":{"name":"Qualitative research in sport and exercise","volume":"14 1","pages":"116 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19398440902908969","citationCount":"5","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Qualitative research in sport and exercise","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19398440902908969","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
Abstract
The paper by John Smith (2009) relies on the assumption that positivists’ proPopperian methodology of making science is historically rooted in some kind of a social-political-religious conspiracy aimed at exhibiting power of respective institutions. It remains, however, the mainstream methodology today though it is not explicitly claimed to be attributed to the same reasons. The conclusions of the article are somewhat different from sharing the ‘conspiracy theory’, and are based more on familial experiences, and their personal interpretations. The main question after reading the article remains: How can we distinguish between good and ‘not so good’ scientific inquiries, and does this article provide us with better tools to do so? I will briefly share with the readers my impressions and reflections. It is claimed that well-known scientists, such as Galton and Pearson, among others, developed their scientific methods and tools to justify the interests and policies of the formal institution about the distribution of intelligence among human beings. To do so, also the statistical methods of observing and analysing data, which pertain to intelligence, were developed to satisfy the ‘power intentions’ of policy-makers, who happen to belong of course to the upper class. To make justice to this view, one may assume that political interests indeed govern research preference; this is the case also with US NIH and NSF grants today. However, does this indicate that the research method adapts accordingly to political preferences? Isn’t it more reasonable to assume that the first statisticians in the UK, headed by Fisher, were driven more by developing statistical tools which better fit the data and phenomenon under investigation than by ‘power and dominance’ needs? Say this tools would not be developed, can we assume that intelligence is NOT normally distributed in the population? What exactly one tries to say here: Is the distribution of intelligence in the population dependent on institutional power interest? Of course, the arguments about political and institutional power are valid today as they were in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but the making of science and the development of scientific tools were independent of these needs, unless one comes and presents hard evidence of this conspiracy theory. This of course is not aimed at disputing the new trend of using qualitative and mixed methods in social and behavioural sciences. Just as rigorous are the methods in the life and natural
John Smith(2009)的论文基于这样一个假设,即实证主义者的正统派科学方法论历史上根植于某种旨在展示各自机构权力的社会-政治-宗教阴谋。然而,它仍然是今天的主流方法论,尽管它没有明确地声称是由于同样的原因。文章的结论与分享的“阴谋论”有些不同,更多的是基于家庭经历和他们的个人解释。读完这篇文章后,主要问题仍然是:我们如何区分好的和“不那么好的”科学研究,这篇文章是否为我们提供了更好的工具?我将简要地与读者分享我的印象和感想。有人声称,诸如高尔顿和皮尔逊等著名科学家开发了他们的科学方法和工具,以证明正式机构关于人类智力分配的利益和政策是合理的。为了做到这一点,与智力有关的观察和分析数据的统计方法也被开发出来,以满足政策制定者的“权力意图”,当然,这些决策者恰好属于上层阶级。为了使这一观点公正,人们可以假设政治利益确实支配着研究偏好;今天美国国家卫生研究院和国家科学基金会的资助也是如此。然而,这是否表明研究方法相应地适应政治偏好?以费雪为首的英国第一批统计学家,与其说是出于“权力和支配”的需要,不如说是受开发更适合调查数据和现象的统计工具的驱使,这不是更合理吗?假设这些工具不会被开发出来,我们可以假设智力在人群中不是正态分布吗?这里到底想说的是:智力在人口中的分布是否依赖于机构权力利益?当然,关于政治和制度权力的争论在今天和在19世纪和20世纪一样是有效的,但科学的产生和科学工具的发展是独立于这些需求的,除非有人出现并提出这种阴谋论的确凿证据。当然,这并不是为了反驳在社会科学和行为科学中使用定性和混合方法的新趋势。正如严谨的方法在生活和自然