"We Will Be Satisfied with Nothing Less": The African American Struggle for Equal Rights in the North during Reconstruction

Kam Teo
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

"We Will Be Satisfied With Nothing Less": The African American Struggle for Equal Rights in the North during Reconstruction. By Hugh Davis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011. 232 pages. $45 (cloth).The conventional Reconstruction historiography focuses on the struggles of African Americans to realize equal rights in the South in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War. However, Hugh Davis-a Professor Emeritus of history at Southern Connecticut State University-sheds considerable light on the lesser known African American battle for male suffrage rights in northern and western states. In We Will Be Satisfied With Nothing Less, Davis provocatively claims that "Reconstruction began in the North" where the relatively small number of northern African Americans placed political pressure on reluctant white Republicans to live up to the ideals and rhetoric espoused by the party of Lincoln. Davis's work tracks the initial success of northern and western African Americans from the late-1860s to the mid1870s in their drive for political equality, accessibility to public schools and the beginning of their downward political and social trajectory from the mid-1870s onwards as the reactionary politics of Reconstruction began the reversal of many gains.We Will Be Satisfied With Nothing Less is organized thematically around two issues: black male suffrage and equal access to public schools within the context of political machinations of various African American groups as they navigated awkward partnerships with white Republicans, many of whom were reactionary and racist. The first chapter chronicles the struggle of northern African Americans before and during the Civil War with the introduction of organizations such as the National Equal Rights League and the Pennsylvania Equal rights League, both created in the 1850s. Davis also provides evidence that "race pride and consciousness" predated the Civil War, in part, by showing the nascent political activism of individuals such as Frederick Douglass and Martin Delany (7). Indeed, there was a vibrant and dynamic African American community that either proselytized emigration (a return to Africa) or those that had faith in the founding democratic principles of the United States. African American political organizations at the national level or in the form of state auxiliaries were primarily run by middle class African American men, though the author posits that the leadership did reach out "to the black Masses (28)." Interestingly, Davis asserts that African American women were more likely than African American men to legally challenge segregation and discrimination in public areas due to their greater interaction with whites in the workplace.In the aftermath of the Civil War the political focus on manhood suffrage shifted from the state level - because the political ethos was such that states had "sole authority" to determine political rights - to lobbying Washington (47). According to Davis, establishment African Americans also framed their push for manhood suffrage around service to the union during the Civil War and the fact that the struggle for political rights was not a demand for equal social rights, the latter an answer to racists' fear of miscegenation (42). The struggle for political equality in the 1860s was marked by the ambivalence of white Republicans - who believed there was little to gain politically by supporting the suffrage goals of two percent of the northern population - and Democrats who had much to gain from the political support of recent immigrants from Europe (53).A revealing sub-text in this volume was the dichotomy in the civil rights movement of the late 1860s and 1870s: black manhood suffrage versus women's (white) suffrage, and the social cleavages that these political battles exposed. Davis observes that white suffragists such as Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton believed that white women deserved the vote more than black men. …
“我们将满足于一切”:重建期间美国黑人在北方争取平等权利的斗争
“我们将满足于一切”:重建期间非裔美国人在北方争取平等权利的斗争。休·戴维斯著。伊萨卡,纽约:康奈尔大学出版社,2011。232页。45美元(布)。传统的重建史学关注的是非裔美国人在内战结束后为实现南方的平等权利而进行的斗争。然而,休·戴维斯——南康涅狄格州立大学历史学名誉教授——对鲜为人知的非裔美国人在北部和西部各州争取男性选举权的斗争进行了相当深入的研究。在《我们将满足于一切》一书中,戴维斯挑衅地声称“重建始于北方”,在那里,相对较少的北方非裔美国人对不情愿的白人共和党人施加了政治压力,要求他们实现林肯所支持的政党的理想和言论。戴维斯的研究追踪了19世纪60年代末到70年代中期,北部和西部非裔美国人在争取政治平等和公立学校入学方面取得的初步成功以及从19世纪70年代中期开始的政治和社会下行轨迹,因为重建时期的反动政治开始了许多成果的逆转。《我们将满足于无为而治》的主题围绕着两个问题:黑人男性选举权和平等进入公立学校的机会。在这个背景下,各种非裔美国人团体在与白人共和党人(其中许多人是反动和种族主义者)的尴尬关系中进行政治阴谋。第一章记述了南北战争前和内战期间北部非裔美国人的斗争,介绍了诸如19世纪50年代创建的全国平权联盟和宾夕法尼亚平权联盟等组织。戴维斯还提供了“种族自豪感和意识”早于内战的证据,这在一定程度上是通过展示弗雷德里克·道格拉斯(Frederick Douglass)和马丁·德拉尼(Martin Delany)等人初生的政治激进主义(7)来证明的。的确,当时有一个充满活力和活力的非裔美国人社区,他们要么说服移民(返回非洲),要么对美国的基本民主原则有信心。国家层面的非裔美国人政治组织或以国家辅助机构的形式主要由中产阶级的非裔美国人管理,尽管作者认为领导层确实接触了“黑人群众(28)”。有趣的是,戴维斯断言,非洲裔美国女性比非洲裔美国男性更有可能在法律上挑战公共场所的种族隔离和歧视,因为她们在工作场所与白人的互动更多。内战结束后,政治上对成年男子选举权的关注从州一级转移到了游说华盛顿(47)——因为当时的政治风气是州拥有决定政治权利的“唯一权威”。根据戴维斯的说法,当权派非洲裔美国人还将他们争取成年选举权的努力,与内战期间为联邦服务以及争取政治权利的斗争不是要求平等的社会权利这一事实联系起来,后者是对种族主义者对异族通婚的恐惧的回应(42)。19世纪60年代争取政治平等的斗争以白人共和党人和民主党人的矛盾心理为标志。白人共和党人认为,支持北方2%人口的选举权目标在政治上没有什么好处,而民主党人则从欧洲新移民的政治支持中获得了很多好处。这本书中一个发人深省的潜台词是19世纪60年代末和70年代民权运动中的二分法:黑人男子选举权和妇女(白人)选举权,以及这些政治斗争所暴露的社会分裂。戴维斯注意到,苏珊·安东尼(Susan B. Anthony)和伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿(Elizabeth Cady Stanton)等白人妇女参政权论者认为,白人妇女比黑人男子更有资格获得选举权。…
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