THE CULTURE OF MARGINALITY: THE TEENEK PORTRAYAL OF SOCIAL DIFFERENCE

Ethnology Pub Date : 2002-06-22 DOI:10.2307/4153026
Anath Ariel de Vidas
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

The marginality of the Teenek Indians of Mexico gives rise to discourses among this group that serve to justify its relegation to the fringes of modern life. Those discourses reflect a concrete, inexorable, social, economic, and political situation that is reformulated in the Teenek system of representation. This article explores the problem of constructing an ethnic identity as it is reflected in the realities and world views of the indigenous microcosm facing national society. (Mexico, Teenek [Huastec] Indians, ethnicity, world view) ********** The Teenek Indians in northeastern Mexico are notable for a peculiar attitude that combines a state of apparent deculturation with a particularly self-deprecating discourse: "We are less than nothing," "stinking," "dirty Indians," "ugly idiots," "cowards," etc. These rather unexpected opinions were collected during my fieldwork in several Teenek villages, particularly the village of Loma Larga-San Lorenzo, near the town of Tantoyuca, in the northern part of the State of Veracruz. (2) Two and a half years' residence in the area, from March 1991 to September 1993, was augmented by shorter visits up to November 1995. Teenek self-denigrating indigenous discourses are recurrent and common to people of both sexes, different ages, and in different places. The startling contrast they offer to the assertions of ethnic identity and the search for roots so prevalent today around the world invites analysis of the discursive construction of the social categories they express. Indeed, as Levine (1999) suggests, ethnicity stems above all from a cognitive method of classifying human beings. Accordingly, my research explores the elaboration of a disconcerting ethnic identity by examining the realities and conceptions of the indigenous microcosm vis-a-vis national society (Ariel de Vidas 2002). The self-denigrating remarks such as those mentioned tend to justify the social and spatial marginality of the Teenek with respect to their mestizo neighbors. Most of these non-Indians, whom the Teenek consider to be better off than themselves, live in the town nearby, and represent for the Indian population both the positive aspects (modernity, power, money, etc.) and negative aspects (betrayal of tradition, immorality, greed, etc.) of Western culture. Although the Teenek lack such emblematic Indian traits as traditional clothing, agricultural rituals, distinctive ceremonies, and a system of religious offices (the cargo system), their situation is not one of anomie, since as a group they have preserved their language and a cosmology rooted in the Mesoamerican tradition. Thus, while the Teenek are primarily negative in their remarks about themselves, this discourse does not imply a weak sense of belonging. In a way, these autochthonous comments justify the group's marginal position and reflect a cultural construction of Teenek identity in which the disparities between social groups, which in the Teenek view arise from ontological differences, are negotiated. Thus, the Teenek possess a strong ethnic identity that does not appear, a priori, to be based on any validating, reclaimed heritage, but which, on the contrary, seems to derive from negatively perceived values. The construction of an ethnic identity has long been dominated in the anthropological literature by the essentialist point of view, which emphasized self-definition and ethnogenesis as the factors that demarcated a specific culture, language, and customs (Geertz 1963; Shils 1957; Francis 1976). With Barth's critical revision (1969) of the ways ethnic groups maintain their ascription, the subject took on a perspective that permits an analysis of ethnification (Pitt-Rivers 1965, 1967; Casagrande 1974). In this approach, the formation of ethnic groups was seen to be a function of the political, economic, or ideological domination of one group by another, and a constantly renewed codification of cultural differences between distinct social groups (Cardoso De Oliveira 1992). …
边缘文化:社会差异的青少年写照
墨西哥特尼克印第安人(Teenek Indians)的边缘地位,在这个群体中引发了一些言论,为其被降至现代生活的边缘辩护。这些话语反映了一种具体的、不可改变的、社会的、经济的和政治的情况,这种情况在蒂涅克的再现体系中被重新表述。本文探讨了民族认同的建构问题,因为它反映在面对国家社会的本土微观世界的现实和世界观中。(墨西哥,Teenek [Huastec]印第安人,种族,世界观)**********墨西哥东北部的Teenek印第安人以一种独特的态度而闻名,这种态度结合了一种明显的文化异化状态和一种特别自嘲的话语:“我们什么都不是”、“臭气熏天”、“肮脏的印第安人”、“丑陋的白痴”、“懦夫”等等。这些意想不到的观点是我在几个蒂内克人的村庄进行实地调查时收集到的,尤其是在韦拉克鲁斯州北部坦托尤卡镇附近的洛马·拉加-圣洛伦佐村。(2)从1991年3月至1993年9月在该地区居住了两年半,并在1995年11月之前进行了较短的访问。土著民族自我贬低的话语在不同性别、不同年龄、不同地域的人们中都是反复出现和常见的。它们与当今世界普遍存在的种族认同主张和对根源的寻找形成了惊人的对比,这促使人们对它们所表达的社会范畴的话语建构进行分析。事实上,正如Levine(1999)所指出的,种族首先源于对人类进行分类的认知方法。因此,我的研究通过审视与国家社会相比的土著微观世界的现实和概念,探讨了令人不安的种族认同的阐述(Ariel de Vidas 2002)。上述自我贬低的言论倾向于为蒂内克人相对于他们的混血邻居的社会和空间边缘地位辩护。这些非印度人中的大多数,他们认为比自己过得好,住在附近的城镇,对印度人来说,既代表了西方文化的积极方面(现代化、权力、金钱等),也代表了西方文化的消极方面(背叛传统、不道德、贪婪等)。尽管蒂内克人缺乏印第安人的标志性特征,如传统服装、农业仪式、独特的仪式和宗教办公室系统(货物系统),但他们的处境并不反常,因为作为一个群体,他们保留了自己的语言和根植于中美洲传统的宇宙观。因此,尽管蒂内克人对自己的评价主要是消极的,但这种话语并不意味着一种软弱的归属感。在某种程度上,这些本土评论证明了该群体的边缘地位,反映了一种蒂内克人身份的文化建构,在这种建构中,社会群体之间的差异(在蒂内克人看来,这些差异源于本体论差异)得到了协商。因此,蒂内克人拥有一种强烈的民族特征,这种特征似乎不是先验地建立在任何有效的、重新获得的遗产基础上的,相反,它似乎来自消极的感知价值。在人类学文献中,种族认同的建构长期以来一直被本质主义观点所主导,它强调自我定义和民族发生是界定特定文化、语言和习俗的因素(Geertz 1963;希尔斯1957;弗朗西斯1976)。随着Barth对种族群体维持其归属方式的批判性修订(1969),该主题获得了一个允许分析种族化的视角(Pitt-Rivers 1966,1967;Casagrande 1974)。在这种方法中,种族群体的形成被视为一个群体在政治、经济或意识形态上对另一个群体的统治,以及不同社会群体之间不断更新的文化差异的编纂(Cardoso De Oliveira 1992)。…
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