{"title":"Best of friends and worst of enemies: Competition and collaboration in polygyny","authors":"S. Madhavan","doi":"10.2307/4153021","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Much of the scholarship on polygyny portrays it as harmful to women, noting in particular that it pits co-wives against each other. Some feminists have used this characterization to associate polygyny with the subjugation of women. However, other work has illustrated the collaborative nature of polygynous relationships. Despite efforts to generalize about polygyny (as either competitive or collaborative), it has become increasingly clear that co-wife relationships and women's experiences with polygyny can only be understood within particular sociocultural and personal contexts. This essay describes co-wife relationships in two ethnic groups in Mali, West Africa, to illustrate the varying nature of polygynous unions and demonstrate that co-wives negotiate their relative statuses within the domestic group through both competitive and collaborative strategies. The research underscores the importance of cultural and socioeconomic contexts in determining the relative value of collaboration and competition in polygynous households. (Polygyny, competition, collaboration, feminism, Mali) ********** Statements of two women in polygynous unions illustrate polar differences in attitudes about it. For Aissata (age 44), a polygynous union can be humiliating. If there is another woman, it is the first wife that suffers; now I am here only because of the children not because of love for my husband; polygyny shows that your husband does not like you and the whole village thinks that you are not a real woman. But for Setou (age 33), it is comforting. I get along very well with Koro [her co-wife]; I treat her like an older sister; I can talk to her about anything, even pregnancy; if I have problems with my pregnancy, I tell Koro first, who then informs our husband. The case of Aissata lends support to the common notion that polygyny is essentially competitive because it pits women against each other (Fainzang and Journet 1988; Meekers and Franklin 1995; Ware 1981). However, Setou's situation indicates how polygyny can foster collaboration among women (cf. Abu-Lughod 1993; Steady 1987). Despite efforts to generalize about polygyny (as either competitive or collaborative), it has become increasingly clear that co-wife relationships and women's experiences with polygyny can only be understood within particular sociocultural and personal contexts. Even among African women who live in patrilineal, patrilocal societies, attitudes toward polygyny range from intense competition to collaboration. Using qualitative data from two ethnic groups in the West African country of Mali, this study illustrates: 1) how co-wife relationships are conditioned by social, cultural, and personal contexts; and 2) how co-wives negotiate their relative statuses within the domestic group through both competitive and collaborative strategies. The relative force of competition or collaboration among co-wives depends on factors such as cultural attitudes about self-assertion versus consensus, sexual jealousy, reproductive competition, individual personalities, and life circumstances. COMPETITION AND COLLABORATION The study of female competition and collaboration has gone through several distinct phases in Western feminism. Before the rise of the women's movement, people commonly perceived women as incapable of relating to each other except through competition (Pogrebin 1987). This view was later challenged by feminist scholars who saw co-operation and friendship among women as crucial factors in empowering them against male hegemony (Smith-Rosenberg 1975). Another line of thinking on competition, however, concludes that there is a need and a place for competition in the feminist ethos and that it need not threaten women's solidarity (Lugones and Spelman 1987). The assumption that all women avoid conflict and are nurturing and egalitarian (Bardwick 1971) is problematic not only across but also within cultures. …","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"41 1","pages":"69-84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/4153021","citationCount":"74","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Ethnology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4153021","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 74
Abstract
Much of the scholarship on polygyny portrays it as harmful to women, noting in particular that it pits co-wives against each other. Some feminists have used this characterization to associate polygyny with the subjugation of women. However, other work has illustrated the collaborative nature of polygynous relationships. Despite efforts to generalize about polygyny (as either competitive or collaborative), it has become increasingly clear that co-wife relationships and women's experiences with polygyny can only be understood within particular sociocultural and personal contexts. This essay describes co-wife relationships in two ethnic groups in Mali, West Africa, to illustrate the varying nature of polygynous unions and demonstrate that co-wives negotiate their relative statuses within the domestic group through both competitive and collaborative strategies. The research underscores the importance of cultural and socioeconomic contexts in determining the relative value of collaboration and competition in polygynous households. (Polygyny, competition, collaboration, feminism, Mali) ********** Statements of two women in polygynous unions illustrate polar differences in attitudes about it. For Aissata (age 44), a polygynous union can be humiliating. If there is another woman, it is the first wife that suffers; now I am here only because of the children not because of love for my husband; polygyny shows that your husband does not like you and the whole village thinks that you are not a real woman. But for Setou (age 33), it is comforting. I get along very well with Koro [her co-wife]; I treat her like an older sister; I can talk to her about anything, even pregnancy; if I have problems with my pregnancy, I tell Koro first, who then informs our husband. The case of Aissata lends support to the common notion that polygyny is essentially competitive because it pits women against each other (Fainzang and Journet 1988; Meekers and Franklin 1995; Ware 1981). However, Setou's situation indicates how polygyny can foster collaboration among women (cf. Abu-Lughod 1993; Steady 1987). Despite efforts to generalize about polygyny (as either competitive or collaborative), it has become increasingly clear that co-wife relationships and women's experiences with polygyny can only be understood within particular sociocultural and personal contexts. Even among African women who live in patrilineal, patrilocal societies, attitudes toward polygyny range from intense competition to collaboration. Using qualitative data from two ethnic groups in the West African country of Mali, this study illustrates: 1) how co-wife relationships are conditioned by social, cultural, and personal contexts; and 2) how co-wives negotiate their relative statuses within the domestic group through both competitive and collaborative strategies. The relative force of competition or collaboration among co-wives depends on factors such as cultural attitudes about self-assertion versus consensus, sexual jealousy, reproductive competition, individual personalities, and life circumstances. COMPETITION AND COLLABORATION The study of female competition and collaboration has gone through several distinct phases in Western feminism. Before the rise of the women's movement, people commonly perceived women as incapable of relating to each other except through competition (Pogrebin 1987). This view was later challenged by feminist scholars who saw co-operation and friendship among women as crucial factors in empowering them against male hegemony (Smith-Rosenberg 1975). Another line of thinking on competition, however, concludes that there is a need and a place for competition in the feminist ethos and that it need not threaten women's solidarity (Lugones and Spelman 1987). The assumption that all women avoid conflict and are nurturing and egalitarian (Bardwick 1971) is problematic not only across but also within cultures. …
许多关于一夫多妻制的学术研究都将其描述为对女性有害的,特别指出它使共同妻子相互对立。一些女权主义者利用这一特征将一夫多妻制与对女性的征服联系起来。然而,其他研究已经说明了一夫多妻关系的合作本质。尽管人们努力概括一夫多妻制(无论是竞争性的还是合作性的),但越来越清楚的是,共同妻子关系和女性对一夫多妻制的经历只能在特定的社会文化和个人背景下理解。本文描述了西非马里两个民族的共同妻子关系,以说明一夫多妻制联盟的不同性质,并证明共同妻子通过竞争和合作策略在家庭群体中谈判其相对地位。该研究强调了文化和社会经济背景在决定一夫多妻制家庭中合作与竞争的相对价值方面的重要性。(一夫多妻制,竞争,合作,女权主义,马里)**********两位女性在一夫多妻制联盟中的陈述说明了对它的态度的两极差异。对艾萨塔(44岁)来说,一夫多妻制是一种耻辱。若是有别的女人,受害的是原配;现在我在这里只是为了孩子们,而不是因为爱我的丈夫;一夫多妻制表明你的丈夫不喜欢你,整个村子都认为你不是一个真正的女人。但对33岁的塞头(音)来说,这是一种安慰。我和Koro(她的共同妻子)相处得很好;我待她像姐姐一样;我可以和她谈论任何事情,甚至怀孕;如果我怀孕有问题,我会先告诉科罗,然后她再通知我们的丈夫。Aissata的案例支持了一夫多妻制本质上是竞争性的这一普遍观点,因为它使女性相互竞争(Fainzang and Journet 1988;Meekers and Franklin 1995;器皿1981)。但是,塞图的情况表明,一夫多妻制可以促进妇女之间的合作(参见Abu-Lughod 1993;稳定的1987)。尽管人们努力概括一夫多妻制(无论是竞争性的还是合作性的),但越来越清楚的是,共同妻子关系和女性对一夫多妻制的经历只能在特定的社会文化和个人背景下理解。即使是生活在父系社会的非洲妇女,对一夫多妻制的态度也从激烈竞争到合作。本研究使用来自西非国家马里两个民族的定性数据,说明了:1)共同妻子关系如何受到社会、文化和个人背景的制约;2)共同妻子如何通过竞争和合作策略来协商她们在家庭群体中的相对地位。共同妻子之间竞争或合作的相对力量取决于诸如自我主张与共识的文化态度、性嫉妒、生殖竞争、个人性格和生活环境等因素。西方女性主义对女性竞争与合作的研究经历了几个不同的阶段。在妇女运动兴起之前,人们普遍认为女性除了通过竞争之外无法相互联系(Pogrebin 1987)。这一观点后来受到女权主义学者的挑战,他们认为女性之间的合作和友谊是使她们能够对抗男性霸权的关键因素(Smith-Rosenberg 1975)。然而,关于竞争的另一种思考方式得出的结论是,在女权主义精神中,竞争是有必要和一席之地的,而且它不必威胁到妇女的团结(lugoones和Spelman 1987)。所有女性都避免冲突、养育和平等的假设(Bardwick 1971)不仅在不同文化之间,而且在不同文化内部都是有问题的。…