THE VITALITY OF LOCAL POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE MIDDLE ATLAS, MOROCCO

Ethnology Pub Date : 2002-03-22 DOI:10.2307/4153001
B. Venema, A. Mguild
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引用次数: 17

Abstract

In the Middle Atlas, Morocco, growing government bureaucracy has not undermined the informal village council and the legitimacy of local functionaries such as shaykh or muqaddam. Although official or elected bodies may formally have de facto power, in practice the village council still controls access to local resources. Instead of being manipulated by the regional government bureaucracy, the village council continues to represent the common people. However, newcomers and educated folk hold different attitudes toward local institutions and functionaries which weaken them, giving government officials opportunity to intervene. (Village council, district council, regional government, herders, farmers, Middle Atlas, Morocco) ********** This article discusses the changes that have taken place in the local political institutions of the Ait Abdi Berbers of the Middle Atlas as a result of encroaching government bureaucracy. It addresses the Ait Abdi of the rural district (commune rurale) Oued Ifrane, which has a population of 14,500. The population's main source of livelihood is sheep farming. Formerly, sheep farmers practiced transhumance between summer and winter pastures, but now they are generally settled in the winter pastures: mountain valleys with a climate permitting the development of agriculture and arboriculture. This sedentarization has resulted in the growth of rural centers in the Middle Atlas, among them Souk el Had, the main center of Oued Ifrane, with about 4,350 inhabitants. Several researchers have argued that growing government bureaucracy and extension of the powers of government courts in Morocco have undermined local political institutions in administration and in settling disputes (Geertz, Geertz, and Rosen 1979:53-57; Chiapuris 1980:232-36). With reference to the Central Atlas, Ilahiane (1999:41) concludes that the government now has a presence in every domain, curtailing the influence of local and collective institutions, and constituting an extension of government bureaucracy. Hammoudi (1997) agrees that contemporary elective institutions have increased the power of the state in the rural areas of Morocco, and claims that the central government collaborated with the rural notables, the sons of those who, as caid (district officer; pl. cuwwad) or shaykh (subdistrict officer; pl. shuyukh) during the era of the French Protectorate, acquired large parcels of land and became local strongmen. These notables now participate in the patronage network of the monarchy and state. They came to be cuwwad or shuyukh or members of the district council in return for collaborating with state authorities. This point of view does insufficient justice to the value attached to autonomy by the Berber population, however. In the Middle Atlas, the sultan and his army hardly ever succeeded in levying tribute on the trading routes between Fez, Meknes, and Tafilalt, which was considered the prerogative of the Berber leaders themselves. Only by sending troops did the sultan obtain a share of the tribute, and then often for only a limited period and only if the Berber leaders were allowed to continue their practices (Venema 1993:165). In 1912, Sultan Moulay Hafid signed a treaty with the French authorities under which Morocco became a French protectorate. In an attempt to nullify the treaty, the Berbers of the Middle Atlas, among other tribes, besieged Fez. The liberation of Fez by the French army marked the start of the military campaign in Morocco under the leadership of Marshal Lyautey, which continued until 1934 (Julien 1978:88, 89). Following independence, the Berbers continued their search for autonomy. In the Middle Atlas and several other regions there was an uprising against the provincial governors and judges appointed by the new government. Generally from an urban and Arabic background, these officials largely ignored the problems of the rural population, their customary law, and the ambitions of their leaders (Gellner 1981:194-206; Coram 1973:271). …
摩洛哥中部地区地方政治机构的活力
在中阿特拉斯,摩洛哥,不断增长的政府官僚主义并没有破坏非正式的村委会和地方官员如谢赫或穆卡达姆的合法性。虽然官方或选举产生的机构可能在形式上拥有事实上的权力,但实际上村委会仍然控制着对当地资源的使用。村委会没有受到地方政府官僚机构的操纵,而是继续代表普通民众。然而,新移民和受过教育的民众对地方机构和工作人员的态度不同,这削弱了他们,给了政府官员干预的机会。(村议会,区议会,地方政府,牧民,农民,中阿特拉斯,摩洛哥)**********本文讨论了由于政府官僚主义的侵蚀,中阿特拉斯的阿卜迪柏柏尔人在当地政治机构中发生的变化。它针对的是拥有14,500人口的伊朗西部农村地区(公社)的Ait Abdi。当地人口的主要生计来源是养羊。以前,牧羊人在夏季牧场和冬季牧场之间进行跨放牧,但现在他们一般定居在冬季牧场:气候适宜农业和树木栽培的山谷。这种定居化导致了阿特拉斯中部农村中心的增长,其中包括Souk el Had,上伊夫兰的主要中心,约有4,350名居民。一些研究人员认为,摩洛哥日益增长的政府官僚主义和政府法院权力的扩大已经破坏了当地管理和解决争端的政治机构(Geertz, Geertz, and Rosen 1979:53-57;Chiapuris 1980:232-36)。关于中央地图集,Ilahiane(1999:41)的结论是,政府现在在每个领域都有存在,削弱了地方和集体机构的影响,构成了政府官僚机构的延伸。Hammoudi(1997)同意当代选举制度增加了国家在摩洛哥农村地区的权力,并声称中央政府与农村名人合作,这些名人的儿子,如caid(地区官员;复数cuwwad)或shaykh(街道官员;(复数:shuyukh)在法国保护国时期,获得了大片土地,成为当地的强人。这些名人现在参与了君主制和国家的赞助网络。他们成为cuwwad或shuyukh或地区议会成员,作为与国家当局合作的回报。然而,这种观点对柏柏尔人赋予自治的价值不够公正。在中阿特拉斯,苏丹和他的军队几乎从未成功地在非斯、梅克内斯和塔菲拉尔之间的贸易路线上征收贡品,这被认为是柏柏尔领导人自己的特权。苏丹只有通过派遣军队才能获得贡品的一部分,而且通常只有在柏柏尔领导人被允许继续他们的做法的情况下才能获得贡品的一部分(Venema 1993:165)。1912年,苏丹穆莱·哈菲德与法国当局签署了一项条约,根据该条约,摩洛哥成为法国的保护国。为了使条约无效,中阿特拉斯的柏柏尔人和其他部落一起围攻了非斯。法国军队解放非斯标志着在利奥特伊元帅领导下的摩洛哥军事行动的开始,这一行动一直持续到1934年(朱利安1978:88,89)。独立后,柏柏尔人继续寻求自治。在中阿特拉斯和其他几个地区,发生了反对新政府任命的省长和法官的起义。这些官员通常来自城市和阿拉伯背景,他们在很大程度上忽视了农村人口的问题,他们的习惯法,以及他们领导人的野心(Gellner 1981:194-206;Coram 1973:271)。…
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