The South China Sea Issue: Its Implications on South East Asian Security

K. C. Khadga
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Nonetheless, now that the Chinese have rejected the process, the panel will proceed without them, providing a small “victory” for Manila and potentially swinging international public opinion toward the Philippines. China being an established regional power and aspiring global power would better show her generosity to take the countries in neighborhood in confidence. For this, resolving South China Sea issue by win-win strategy will be of great benifit for regional stability and security in South East Asian region. Background The South China Sea covers an area of sea of some 3.5 million square kilometers, semi-enclosed by Brunei, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam. These six countries have overlapping claims to various maritime zones in this area and five of them (China, both the mainland and Taiwan; Vietnam; the Philippines; Malaysia and Brunei) claim territorial sovereignty over land features in the South China Sea. Early in the twentieth century, the geographical scope of the Chinese state’s dominion increasingly came to attract the attention of both cartographers and the government itself. In June 1933, Chinese government appointed a commission that was tasked with reviewing maps and atlases produced by private sources in China. This Review Commission of Maps for lands and water published in January 1935 a list of 132 names, both in English and Chinese, for Chinese islands and other insular features in the south China Sea, which included the Xiasha 46 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 (paracel) Islands, Dongsha (pratas) Islands, Zhongsha, including Huangyan Island1 (Macclesfield Bank, including Scarborough Shoal), and Nansha (Spratly) Islands.2 There was no reaction from Vietnam or any other State, and the Chinese naval contingent was sent to the islands and erected stone markers of Young Xing (Woody) Island in the Xisha (pratas) islands and Taiping (Itu Aba) Island in the Nansha(Spa) Islands. Following further inspections and surveys, the Chinese government internally circulated an atlas in 1947, drawing an eleven-dash line to indicate the geographical Scope of its authority over the South China Sea, right down to the Zengmu Ansha, or James Shoal, at 30 58’ N, 1120 17’ E.1 In January 1948, the Chinese Ministry of Interior published the Map of Location of South China Sea Islands (Nan Hai Zhudao Weizhi Tu) with a U-shape intermittent line to indicate the traditional boundary of China’s territory in the South China Sea.2 In 1953, two dashes were removed from the eleven-dash line, leaving nine segments, and in the same year the new line made its first appearance in atlases produced on the mainland of China. It is a common view that tensions in the South China Sea began to emerge in the late 1960s as the potentials of oil and natural gas in this area came to be appreciated. In early 1949, news reports indicated that the Philippines, which gained independence in July 1946, began to show interest in the Nansha Island. In response to an inquiry by China referred to “China’s Tai Ping Island,” the Philippines explained that it was concerned only with protecting its fishermen in the waters adjacent to that island.3 The situation in the area changed quickly in the early 1970s. In July 1971, the Philippines declared possession of the Kalayaan (Spartly) Group.4 This declaration was followed by presidential Decree No. 1596, June 11, 1978. Over the years, countless statements have been made on the disputes between the Philippines and China. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Although the Chinese government has a strong preference for bilateral diplomatic negotiations to resolve disputes, its status as a party to UNCLOS and its continuing failure to reach a settlement with the Philippines has exposed it to the risk of litigation. Additionally, if the arbitration goes forward, China may be at a disadvantage because several Chinese assertions about their South China Sea rights are not well supported in international law. China’s leaders may also have concerns about avoid nationalists who are sensitive to any perception that the government lost control of a high profile issue to a small Southeast Asian state and a Japanese judge. Nonetheless, now that the Chinese have rejected the process, the panel will proceed without them, providing a small “victory” for Manila and potentially swinging international public opinion toward the Philippines. China being an established regional power and aspiring global power would better show her generosity to take the countries in neighborhood in confidence. For this, resolving South China Sea issue by win-win strategy will be of great benifit for regional stability and security in South East Asian region. Background The South China Sea covers an area of sea of some 3.5 million square kilometers, semi-enclosed by Brunei, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam. These six countries have overlapping claims to various maritime zones in this area and five of them (China, both the mainland and Taiwan; Vietnam; the Philippines; Malaysia and Brunei) claim territorial sovereignty over land features in the South China Sea. Early in the twentieth century, the geographical scope of the Chinese state’s dominion increasingly came to attract the attention of both cartographers and the government itself. In June 1933, Chinese government appointed a commission that was tasked with reviewing maps and atlases produced by private sources in China. This Review Commission of Maps for lands and water published in January 1935 a list of 132 names, both in English and Chinese, for Chinese islands and other insular features in the south China Sea, which included the Xiasha 46 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 (paracel) Islands, Dongsha (pratas) Islands, Zhongsha, including Huangyan Island1 (Macclesfield Bank, including Scarborough Shoal), and Nansha (Spratly) Islands.2 There was no reaction from Vietnam or any other State, and the Chinese naval contingent was sent to the islands and erected stone markers of Young Xing (Woody) Island in the Xisha (pratas) islands and Taiping (Itu Aba) Island in the Nansha(Spa) Islands. Following further inspections and surveys, the Chinese government internally circulated an atlas in 1947, drawing an eleven-dash line to indicate the geographical Scope of its authority over the South China Sea, right down to the Zengmu Ansha, or James Shoal, at 30 58’ N, 1120 17’ E.1 In January 1948, the Chinese Ministry of Interior published the Map of Location of South China Sea Islands (Nan Hai Zhudao Weizhi Tu) with a U-shape intermittent line to indicate the traditional boundary of China’s territory in the South China Sea.2 In 1953, two dashes were removed from the eleven-dash line, leaving nine segments, and in the same year the new line made its first appearance in atlases produced on the mainland of China. It is a common view that tensions in the South China Sea began to emerge in the late 1960s as the potentials of oil and natural gas in this area came to be appreciated. In early 1949, news reports indicated that the Philippines, which gained independence in July 1946, began to show interest in the Nansha Island. In response to an inquiry by China referred to “China’s Tai Ping Island,” the Philippines explained that it was concerned only with protecting its fishermen in the waters adjacent to that island.3 The situation in the area changed quickly in the early 1970s. In July 1971, the Philippines declared possession of the Kalayaan (Spartly) Group.4 This declaration was followed by presidential Decree No. 1596, June 11, 1978. Over the years, countless statements have been made on the disputes between the Philippines and China. Their tension flared again in April 2012, when the Philippines sent a warship to the area of Scarborough shoal and according to the Philippines, it had found Chinese fishing vessels in there (which has been claimed by China as part of Zhongsha Islands) with illegal coral and fish.5 It was suggested that the Scarborough Shoal accident was regarded as turning point and “unhappy conclusion taught the Philippines two lessons about dispute resolution with China over South China Sea issues: first, it was assumed that superior power and will use it; and second, in the face of such power further negotiations over sovereignty and resource claims are fruitless unless power
南海问题对东南亚安全的影响
尽管中国政府强烈倾向于通过双边外交谈判来解决争端,但中国作为《联合国海洋法公约》缔约国的身份,以及与菲律宾一直未能达成解决方案,使其面临诉讼风险。此外,如果仲裁继续进行,中国可能会处于不利地位,因为中国对南海权利的一些主张在国际法中得不到很好的支持。中国领导人可能还担心民族主义者,他们对任何一种看法都很敏感,即政府将对一个备受关注的问题的控制权拱手让给了一个东南亚小国和一名日本法官。尽管如此,既然中国已经拒绝了这一进程,专家组将在没有中国的情况下继续进行,这将为马尼拉提供一个小小的“胜利”,并可能使国际舆论转向菲律宾。作为一个地区大国和雄心勃勃的全球大国,中国最好表现出她的慷慨,让周边国家充满信心。因此,以互利共赢的战略解决南海问题,将对东南亚地区的稳定与安全大有裨益。南中国海面积约350万平方公里,被文莱、中国、印度尼西亚、马来西亚、菲律宾和越南半封闭。这六个国家对该地区的不同海域有重叠的主张,其中五个国家(中国大陆和台湾;越南;菲律宾;马来西亚和文莱声称对南中国海的岛礁拥有领土主权。20世纪初,中国领土的地理范围日益引起制图师和政府本身的注意。1933年6月,中国政府成立了一个委员会,负责审查中国民间制作的地图和地图集。该委员会于1935年1月公布了中国在南海的岛屿和其他岛礁的132个中英文名称,其中包括《国际事务杂志》第46卷第1期(西沙群岛)、东沙群岛、中沙包括黄岩岛(马克尔斯菲尔德滩,包括斯卡伯勒浅滩)和南沙群岛(南沙群岛)。派出海军分遣队,在西沙群岛永兴岛和南沙群岛太平岛树立石碑。经过进一步的检查和调查,中国政府于1947年内部分发了一份地图册,在地图册上画了一条11段线,以表明中国在南中国海的地理范围,一直延伸到北纬30 58分,东经1120 17分的曾木鞍沙或詹姆斯浅滩。中国内政部出版了《南海诸岛位置图》,用u形断续线表示中国在南海的传统领土界线。2 1953年,将“十一段线”去掉两段,改为九段,并于同年首次出现在中国大陆制作的地图集上。人们普遍认为,南中国海的紧张局势始于上世纪60年代末,当时人们开始认识到该地区的石油和天然气潜力。1949年初,有新闻报道称,1946年7月获得独立的菲律宾开始对南沙群岛表现出兴趣。2 .在回答中国提出的“中国的太平岛”问题时,菲律宾解释说,它只关心保护该岛附近水域的渔民20世纪70年代初,该地区的情况发生了迅速变化。1971年7月,菲律宾宣布拥有卡拉延(部分)岛群。继这一声明之后,又于1978年6月11日颁布了第1596号总统令。多年来,就菲中争议发表了无数声明。2012年4月,当菲律宾派遣一艘军舰前往黄岩岛时,两国的紧张关系再次爆发,据菲律宾称,它在黄岩岛(中国声称是中沙群岛的一部分)发现了非法捕捞珊瑚和鱼类的中国渔船有人认为,黄岩岛事件被视为一个转折点,“不愉快的结局给菲律宾在解决南海问题上与中国的争端上上了两个教训:第一,它被认为拥有优势力量,并将使用它;其次,面对这样的力量,关于主权和资源要求的进一步谈判是徒劳的,除非有力量
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