{"title":"Drinking games, karaoke songs, and yangge dances: youth cultural production in rural China","authors":"A. Chau","doi":"10.2307/4617572","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the different ways youth in rural Shaanbei, northcentral China participate in cultural production. It explores the media through which young people express themselves and the roles that social institutions (temples, schools, villages, households), modern technologies (video compact discs), and translocal/transnational mass media (satellite and cable TV) play in enabling youth to assert their presence as cultural beings and producers. Shaanbei youth do not choose between modern forms of entertainment (karaoke songs) or traditional forms (playing drinking games), or between institutionally organized activities and those self-initiated to express themselves. (Rural Chinese youth, cultural production, temple festivals, drinking games) ********** Anthropologists have a long-standing interest in studying the socialization of children and processes of enculturation cross-culturally, yet youth culture has largely remained the preserve of sociologists and specialists of popular culture. The study of Western youth culture has its roots in studies of youth social and cultural movements in the 1960s and 1970s: the Hippies, the anti-war protests, Punks, Beatles fans, etc. (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 1979; Skelton and Valentine 1998). Youth culture in the West seems to be predicated on a self-conscious, relatively coherent set of mental attitudes and behavioral patterns, often dubbed subcultural or counter-cultural. The most important characteristics of Western urban youth culture are the degree of expressivity (e.g., It's \"loud\"!) in terms of music, fashion, hairstyle, and manners, and the effort to counter what is perceived to be adult stiffness and conservatism. Though having originated in the West, analytical approaches for studying Western urban youth movements seem to be easily transferable to the Chinese urban context, with the May Fourth Movement and subsequent student culture as prime examples of a self-conscious Chinese urban youth culture. In recent years, the import of rock 'n' roll, disco, hip hop, and rave parties further consolidated and expanded an urban youth style distinct from adult and other cultural productions (Farrer 2002; Moore 2005). (2) One might think that because rural China is portrayed in the media as being impoverished in things cultural (wenhua pinkun), (3) its youth lack the opportunity to have or produce culture. But this depends on where in rural China one looks. In certain parts of rural China, some forms of metropolitan youth culture are emerging since urban cultural forms are rapidly penetrating rural areas, especially along the coast and the peripheries of large cities. In a village near a major urban center (Heilongjiang in northeastern China), Yan (1999) found the local rural youth culture largely derivative of urban popular culture in terms of taste and activities (e.g., billiards, music cassette tapes, printed T-shirts). In Shaanbei, many aspects of youth culture are also drawn from metropolitan pop culture. Although the more education a Shaanbei rural youth receives the more he or she is alienated from village culture and peasant knowledge, the attractiveness of traditional forms of cultural production persists with young people, especially in places like Shaanbei, where such forms of cultural production are still vibrant and popular. Yan (1999) included in his study rural youth's increased consumerism and materialism, increasing premarital sex, the assertion of individual rights and independence, resistance to parents and local state authorities, and a tendency to try new ways of life such as working in the city or traveling. As the focus of this article is on youth cultural production, other aspects of youth life are de-emphasized. Cultural production here refers to the ensemble of mostly expressive cultural activities, and not instrumental activities such as agriculture, employment, and trade. Expressive culture also includes the consumption of cultural products, such as karaoke songs and the necessary accompanying equipment. …","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"45 1","pages":"161-172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2006-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/4617572","citationCount":"9","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Ethnology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4617572","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9
Abstract
This article examines the different ways youth in rural Shaanbei, northcentral China participate in cultural production. It explores the media through which young people express themselves and the roles that social institutions (temples, schools, villages, households), modern technologies (video compact discs), and translocal/transnational mass media (satellite and cable TV) play in enabling youth to assert their presence as cultural beings and producers. Shaanbei youth do not choose between modern forms of entertainment (karaoke songs) or traditional forms (playing drinking games), or between institutionally organized activities and those self-initiated to express themselves. (Rural Chinese youth, cultural production, temple festivals, drinking games) ********** Anthropologists have a long-standing interest in studying the socialization of children and processes of enculturation cross-culturally, yet youth culture has largely remained the preserve of sociologists and specialists of popular culture. The study of Western youth culture has its roots in studies of youth social and cultural movements in the 1960s and 1970s: the Hippies, the anti-war protests, Punks, Beatles fans, etc. (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 1979; Skelton and Valentine 1998). Youth culture in the West seems to be predicated on a self-conscious, relatively coherent set of mental attitudes and behavioral patterns, often dubbed subcultural or counter-cultural. The most important characteristics of Western urban youth culture are the degree of expressivity (e.g., It's "loud"!) in terms of music, fashion, hairstyle, and manners, and the effort to counter what is perceived to be adult stiffness and conservatism. Though having originated in the West, analytical approaches for studying Western urban youth movements seem to be easily transferable to the Chinese urban context, with the May Fourth Movement and subsequent student culture as prime examples of a self-conscious Chinese urban youth culture. In recent years, the import of rock 'n' roll, disco, hip hop, and rave parties further consolidated and expanded an urban youth style distinct from adult and other cultural productions (Farrer 2002; Moore 2005). (2) One might think that because rural China is portrayed in the media as being impoverished in things cultural (wenhua pinkun), (3) its youth lack the opportunity to have or produce culture. But this depends on where in rural China one looks. In certain parts of rural China, some forms of metropolitan youth culture are emerging since urban cultural forms are rapidly penetrating rural areas, especially along the coast and the peripheries of large cities. In a village near a major urban center (Heilongjiang in northeastern China), Yan (1999) found the local rural youth culture largely derivative of urban popular culture in terms of taste and activities (e.g., billiards, music cassette tapes, printed T-shirts). In Shaanbei, many aspects of youth culture are also drawn from metropolitan pop culture. Although the more education a Shaanbei rural youth receives the more he or she is alienated from village culture and peasant knowledge, the attractiveness of traditional forms of cultural production persists with young people, especially in places like Shaanbei, where such forms of cultural production are still vibrant and popular. Yan (1999) included in his study rural youth's increased consumerism and materialism, increasing premarital sex, the assertion of individual rights and independence, resistance to parents and local state authorities, and a tendency to try new ways of life such as working in the city or traveling. As the focus of this article is on youth cultural production, other aspects of youth life are de-emphasized. Cultural production here refers to the ensemble of mostly expressive cultural activities, and not instrumental activities such as agriculture, employment, and trade. Expressive culture also includes the consumption of cultural products, such as karaoke songs and the necessary accompanying equipment. …
本文考察了陕北农村青年参与文化生产的不同方式。它探讨了年轻人表达自己的媒体,以及社会机构(寺庙、学校、村庄、家庭)、现代技术(光盘)和跨地方/跨国大众媒体(卫星和有线电视)在使年轻人能够主张他们作为文化存在者和生产者的存在方面所起的作用。陕北青年不会在现代娱乐形式(卡拉ok)和传统娱乐形式(喝酒游戏)之间做出选择,也不会在机构组织的活动和自我表达之间做出选择。(中国农村青年,文化生产,寺庙节日,饮酒游戏)**********人类学家长期以来一直对研究儿童的社会化和跨文化的文化适应过程感兴趣,然而青少年文化在很大程度上仍然是社会学家和流行文化专家的保留。对西方青年文化的研究源于对20世纪60年代和70年代青年社会和文化运动的研究:嬉皮士、反战抗议、朋克、披头士歌迷等(Hall and Jefferson 1976;Hebdige 1979;Skelton and Valentine, 1998)。西方的青年文化似乎建立在一种自觉的、相对连贯的心理态度和行为模式之上,通常被称为亚文化或反文化。西方城市青年文化最重要的特征是在音乐、时尚、发型和举止方面的表达程度(例如,“很吵”!),以及努力对抗被认为是成年人的僵硬和保守。虽然起源于西方,但研究西方城市青年运动的分析方法似乎很容易转移到中国的城市语境中,五四运动和随后的学生文化是中国城市青年自我意识文化的主要例子。近年来,摇滚乐、迪斯科、嘻哈和锐舞派对的传入进一步巩固和扩展了不同于成人和其他文化产品的城市青年风格(Farrer 2002;摩尔2005)。(2)有人可能会认为,因为中国农村在媒体上被描绘成文化贫乏(文化贫乏),(3)它的年轻人缺乏拥有或创造文化的机会。但这取决于中国农村地区的情况。在中国农村的某些地区,由于城市文化形式正在迅速渗透到农村地区,特别是沿海地区和大城市的边缘地区,一些形式的大都市青年文化正在出现。在主要城市中心附近的一个村庄(中国东北的黑龙江),Yan(1999)发现当地的农村青年文化在品味和活动方面很大程度上衍生于城市流行文化(例如台球,音乐磁带,印花t恤)。在陕北,青年文化的许多方面也借鉴了都市流行文化。尽管陕北农村青年接受的教育越多,他们与乡村文化和农民知识的距离就越远,但传统文化生产形式对年轻人的吸引力依然存在,尤其是在陕北这样的地方,这种文化生产形式仍然充满活力和流行。Yan(1999)在他的研究中包括了农村青年消费主义和物质主义的增加,婚前性行为的增加,个人权利和独立的主张,对父母和地方国家当局的抵制,以及尝试新的生活方式的倾向,如在城市工作或旅行。由于本文的重点是青年文化生产,青年生活的其他方面没有得到强调。这里的文化生产主要是指表现性的文化活动,而不是工具性的活动,如农业、就业和贸易。表现性文化还包括文化产品的消费,如卡拉ok歌曲和必要的配套设备。…