Scattering ashes of the family dead: Memorial activity among the bereaved in contemporary Japan

Ethnology Pub Date : 2004-06-22 DOI:10.2307/3774064
Satsuki Kawano
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引用次数: 14

Abstract

Challenging the normative practice of interment, scattering ashes emerged as a new ritual in Japan during the 1990s. Both sensational and controversial, the practice has met with cries of protest and enthusiastic support. As an expression of their respect and affection, people in Japan are expected to venerate the family dead at a family altar and a family grave. Because maintaining the grave evokes the cherished notion of filial piety, some regard scattering ashes as a threat to memorial tradition. But the bereaved who scatter their kin's ashes continue to memorialize their kin by selectively altering certain aspects of memorial activity. They create personally significant ways to honor their loved ones. Scattering ashes, characterized by innovation and flexibility, has increased the range of memorial practices in Japan. (Japan, memorials, ritual change, ancestor worship) ********** Although scattering cremated ashes, or cremains, had been long considered illegal in postwar Japan, the number of people supporting the practice has increased since the establishment of a citizens' movement in 1991, the Grave-Free Promotion Society (GFPS). (2) In postwar Japan, the stem family (ie) a Buddhist-style altar (butsudan), and had a social contract with a Buddhist temple to venerate ancestors at a family grave. The GFPS has been promoting people's right to choose scattering ashes and thus has challenged mortuary convention. People's reactions to scattering have been mixed. Because establishing and maintaining a family grave easily conjures up a positive moral idea of filial piety, opponents view scattering as a denial of reverence for the ancestors. In particular, some Buddhist priests, funeral specialists, and gravestone-providers implicitly or explicitly depict scattering as an antifilial act showing little respect for ancestors. A 53-year-old priest of the Shingon Buddhist Sect, for example, attacked scattering: "Just throwing the ashes like unwanted objects is disrespectful" (Japan Times 2004). (3) As scattering is sometimes considered the denial of ceremonies for the family dead, this priest urges the Japanese to "preserve our unique culture for ceremonies and graves." Is scattering an antifilial denial of duty and respect for ancestors and custom? By drawing from traditional memorial acts as well as crafting their own, ash-scatterers create a personalized memorial activity. Rather than devaluing the deceased, ash-scatterers express their sense of fulfillment in having helped the deceased achieve a desired return to nature. Thus a 66-year-old woman declared, "My deceased husband must be resting peacefully at sea embraced by Mother Nature--to which he wanted to return." At issue with ash-scatterers is not the dismissal of memorial activity for the family dead, but rather their choice of meaningful methods. For most postwar Japanese, death and ancestor rites have often been conducted as Buddhist rituals. Thirty years ago, Smith (1974:113) had already observed great variation in domestic observances of ancestral veneration and a waning influence of institutionalized Buddhism. Yet until recently, and even now to a considerable degree, "the series of memorial observances in the days and years following the funeral remains firmly in the hands of the priesthood and the temples" (Smith 1999:258). Despite the continuing involvement of Buddhist specialists in matters of death and memorial rites, since the 1990s, questioning the long-standing connections between Buddhism and mortuary and memorial ceremonies has increased. Various citizens' groups, often with obvious consumer concerns, have been established to consider such connections and to seek alternatives. Meeting consumers' demand, some funeral homes in urban areas now provide a nonreligious funeral as an alternative to a Buddhist one. While anthropologists have accumulated studies of ancestor worship by addressing its importance in maintaining and reproducing jural ties, social order, and solidarity in kinship groups (e. …
遗属骨灰的抛撒:当代日本遗属的纪念活动
20世纪90年代,撒骨灰在日本成为一种新的仪式,挑战了传统的埋葬方式。这种做法既引起轰动,又引起争议,既遭到了抗议的呼声,也得到了热烈的支持。为了表达他们的尊重和感情,日本人会在家庭祭坛和家庭坟墓前祭拜死去的家人。因为维护坟墓唤起了孝道的珍贵观念,一些人认为撒骨灰是对纪念传统的威胁。但是,那些把亲人的骨灰撒在地上的人,通过选择性地改变纪念活动的某些方面,继续纪念他们的亲人。他们创造个人意义重大的方式来纪念他们所爱的人。在日本,以创新和灵活为特点的撒骨灰,增加了追悼活动的范围。(日本,纪念馆,仪式变更,祭祖)**********虽然在战后的日本,撒骨灰一直被认为是非法的,但自从1991年无墓促进协会(GFPS)成立以来,支持这种做法的人数有所增加。(2)在战后的日本,茎家族(即)一个佛教风格的祭坛(佛坛),并与佛教寺庙有一个社会契约,在家族墓地祭拜祖先。GFPS一直倡导人们选择撒骨灰的权利,因此挑战了太平间惯例。人们对散射的反应褒贬不一。因为建立和维护一个家庭墓地很容易让人联想到孝道的积极道德观念,反对者认为分散是对祖先的敬畏的否认。特别是,一些佛教僧侣、丧葬专家和墓碑提供者或隐或明地将散尸描述为一种对祖先不尊重的反孝道行为。例如,一位53岁的信教佛教教派的牧师抨击了撒骨灰:“把骨灰像不需要的东西一样扔出去是不尊重的”(日本时报2004)。(3)由于散居有时被认为是拒绝为死去的家人举行仪式,这位牧师敦促日本人“保留我们独特的仪式和坟墓文化”。散是一种违背孝道的行为吗?是对祖先和习俗的不尊重吗?通过借鉴传统的纪念活动以及制作自己的,撒灰者创造了一个个性化的纪念活动。撒灰者并没有贬低逝者的价值,而是表达了帮助逝者回归自然的满足感。因此,一位66岁的妇女宣称:“我已故的丈夫必须在大自然母亲的怀抱中平静地安息-他想回到大自然。”与撒灰者争论的问题不是对死者家人的纪念活动的取消,而是他们选择了有意义的方法。对于大多数战后日本人来说,死亡和祖先仪式通常被当作佛教仪式来进行。30年前,史密斯(1974:113)就已经观察到国内对祖先崇拜的仪式有很大的变化,以及制度化的佛教的影响正在减弱。然而直到最近,甚至到现在,在相当大的程度上,“在葬礼之后的几天或几年里的一系列纪念仪式仍然牢牢地掌握在神职人员和寺庙的手中”(Smith 1999:258)。尽管自20世纪90年代以来,佛教专家继续参与死亡和纪念仪式的事务,但对佛教与太平间和纪念仪式之间长期联系的质疑有所增加。已经成立了各种公民团体,考虑这种联系,并寻求替代方案,这些团体往往具有明显的消费者关切。为了满足消费者的需求,城市地区的一些殡仪馆现在提供非宗教葬礼,作为佛教葬礼的另一种选择。虽然人类学家通过强调祖先崇拜在维持和繁殖法律关系、社会秩序和亲属群体团结方面的重要性,积累了对祖先崇拜的研究(参见. ...)
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