Prickly pear cactus and pastoralism in southwest Madagascar

Ethnology Pub Date : 2004-09-22 DOI:10.2307/3774032
Jeffrey C. Kaufmann
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引用次数: 40

Abstract

Madagascar's Mahafale cattle raisers have adopted several species of the prickly pear cactus (Opuntia) into their subsistence patterns. Their use of Opuntia has had the economic effects of both sedentary and transhumant intensification. It lengthens the stay of pastoralists at their villages and structures the timing of their seasonal migration to distant pastures. (Cactus-plant cattle fodder, pastoralism, sedentarization, Mahafale, Madagascar) This article explains how several thousand Mahafale pastoralists in southwestern Madagascar have incorporated prickly pear (Opuntia) into their pastoral economy, which depends on assisting their cattle through the dry season, when grass and water are scarce. Rather than relying on nomadism in the pursuit of water and pasture for their livestock, the pastoralists have turned to cactus to keep stock alive. So pivotal is Opuntia in the cattle diet that they categorize it as sakafon-drano (water-food). This plant-human relationship, therefore, is central to an understanding of Mahafale economic life. Prickly pear, a cactus of the genus Opuntia, recognized by its characteristic thorned, flattened segments, has thrived in places far from its original New World homelands. In the Mediterranean region, people have cooked with fresh, broad, flat, segmented Opuntia stems (called nopalitos in Spanish) and its ripe, fleshy pears (L'Allemand 1958:113). In Sicily, varieties of the tree-shaped Opuntia ficus-indica, which can grow to a height of twenty feet or more and forms a woody trunk at the base, have been valued for their fruit as well their hedging, foraging, and wind-breaking (Barbera, Inglese, and Pimienta-Barrios 1995:18). Cactus pears have been a principal fruit crop of North African nomads, who also boiled down the fruit juice, which is rich in vitamins, as a molasses substitute (Meyer and McLaughlin 1981:108). Outside of rice-growing areas in India, farmers have maintained large hedges of thorny O. dillenii (Donkin 1977:44). O. hernandezii has been grown in Senegal for hedging, opposing the expansion of sand, and for its fruit (Chevalier 1947:453). Agriculturalists in North Africa (Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Libya) have lined their cropped land, roads, and camel trails with cactus fencing (Monjauze and Le Houerou 1965). Sheep and cattle ranchers in Australia have colonized dry lands by feeding prickly pear to their stock (Commonwealth Prickly Pear Board 1925; Dodd 1940). Pastoralists have used cacti as cattle fodder in Sicily, Tunisia, South Africa, and Madagascar (Monjauze and Le Houerou 1965:104). THE CACTUS REGION IN MADAGASCAR Prickly pear has affected the Mahafale pastoralist way of life, particularly in terms of mobility, diet, and gender relations. Women harvest cactus, collecting tuna, the prickly pear fruit, for their families to eat. They also sell the surplus as a cash crop. Male herders work cactus as a vegetable crop for cattle. They singe truncated cactus nopales, the fleshy leaf pads, over a fire to remove the thorns before feeding the succulent fodder to their cattle. For these benefits, pastoralists sow, prune, and shape prickly pear into living fences, plantations, enclosures, and even mazes of fences within fences, around their corrals, hamlets, and villages. In doing so, these herders have become cactus cultivators, and reduced their mobility. In addition to increasing sedentarization, Opuntia also has affected the timing of Mahafale transhumance. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Among the conditions affecting pastoralist peoples around the world, scholars have pointed to failures at the state level to keep mobile pastoralists viable as encapsulated groups (Ellwood 1995; Hiatt 1984; Mohamed Salih 1990; Olson 1990). Others have emphasized how some states have followed colonialist agendas by relocating, training, or pressuring pastoralists to sedentarize by implementing policies that favor farming rather than herding activities (Galaty and Johnson 1990; Hinderink and Sterkenburg 1987; Khogali 1981; Silitshena 1990). …
马达加斯加西南部的多刺梨仙人掌和畜牧业
马达加斯加的Mahafale养牛者已经将几种多刺梨仙人掌(Opuntia)纳入他们的生存模式。他们对Opuntia的使用对久坐和活动的强化都产生了经济影响。它延长了牧民在村庄的停留时间,并安排了他们季节性迁移到遥远牧场的时间。(仙人掌-植物牛饲料,畜牧,定居,Mahafale,马达加斯加)这篇文章解释了马达加斯加西南部的几千名Mahafale牧民如何将刺梨(Opuntia)纳入他们的畜牧经济,这依赖于帮助他们的牛度过干旱季节,当草和水稀缺时。牧民们不再依靠游牧为生,而是依靠仙人掌来维持牲畜的生命。Opuntia在牛的饮食中是如此重要,以至于他们将其归类为sakafon-drano(水食物)。因此,这种植物与人类的关系是理解马哈法尔经济生活的核心。刺梨,仙人掌属的一种,以其特有的多刺,扁平的部分而闻名,在远离其原始新大陆家园的地方茁壮成长。在地中海地区,人们用新鲜、宽阔、平坦、分段的Opuntia茎(西班牙语称为nopalitos)和成熟、多肉的梨(L’allemand 1958:113)来烹饪。在西西里岛,各种树状的无花果品种可以长到20英尺或更高的高度,根部形成木质树干,它们的果实以及它们的树篱、觅食和防风功能都很有价值(Barbera, Inglese, and Pimienta-Barrios 1995:18)。仙人掌梨一直是北非游牧民族的主要水果作物,他们也把富含维生素的果汁煮成糖浆的替代品(Meyer和McLaughlin 1981:108)。在印度的水稻种植区之外,农民们用带刺的O. dillenii (Donkin 1977:44)维持着大片的树篱。在塞内加尔种植O. hernandezii是为了对冲,反对沙子的扩张,以及它的果实(Chevalier 1947:453)。北非(突尼斯、阿尔及利亚、摩洛哥、利比亚)的农学家已经在他们的耕地、道路和骆驼道周围设置了仙人掌围栏(Monjauze和Le Houerou 1965)。澳大利亚的牧场主通过给他们的牲畜喂食刺梨来开拓干旱地区(英联邦刺梨委员会1925;多德1940)。在西西里岛、突尼斯、南非和马达加斯加,牧民使用仙人掌作为牛饲料(Monjauze和Le Houerou 1965:104)。仙人掌影响了马哈法尔人的游牧生活方式,特别是在流动性、饮食和性别关系方面。妇女们收割仙人掌,收集金枪鱼和带刺的梨子,供家人食用。他们还将剩余的粮食作为经济作物出售。男性牧民种植仙人掌作为牲畜的蔬菜作物。他们在用多汁的饲料喂牛之前,在火上烤掉仙人掌的截叶,即肉质的叶垫,以去除刺。为了这些好处,牧民们在他们的畜栏、小村庄和村庄周围播种、修剪和塑造刺梨,使其成为活的围栏、种植园、围栏,甚至围栏中的围栏迷宫。在这样做的过程中,这些牧民变成了仙人掌种植者,减少了他们的机动性。除了增加定居之外,Opuntia也影响了Mahafale迁移的时间。在影响世界各地游牧民族的条件中,学者们指出,在国家层面上,未能保持流动牧民作为封闭群体的生存(Ellwood 1995;Hiatt 1984;穆罕默德·萨利赫1990;奥尔森1990)。其他人强调了一些州如何遵循殖民主义议程,通过实施有利于农业而不是放牧活动的政策,重新安置、培训或迫使牧民定居(Galaty和Johnson 1990;Hinderink and Sterkenburg 1987;Khogali 1981;Silitshena 1990)。…
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