Spirits of the hereafter : Death, funerary possession, and the afterlife in chuuk, micronesia

Ethnology Pub Date : 2005-03-22 DOI:10.2307/3773992
Katherine Boris Dernbach
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引用次数: 18

Abstract

In Chuuk, Micronesia, recently deceased kin often appear as spirit visitors and may possess female relatives in order to provide comfort and guidance, and to deriver important messages from beyond the grave. These spirits are fully sentient beings who retain social and emotional ties with their earthly homes and families, and occupy a liminal space between this world and the afterlife. During this liminal period, spirits must learn how to "be dead," while the riving struggle to reconcile themselves to the corporeal death and new spiritual life of the departed. Spirit possession and other forms of spirit communication, including the popular use of ouija boards, help to facilitate the process of "becoming dead" on both sides of the cosmological divide. Traditional and contemporary mortuary rituals, death and the transformation of the soul into a spirit being, experiences of the afterlife, and interactions with the spirit world through funerary possession and spirit encounters are examined in order to understand death as a journey of becoming that is also marked by social rupture, ritual, and the problems of grief and attachment. (Spirit possession, death, cosmology, Christianity, Micronesia) This article examines how spirit possessions that occur shortly after death in Chuuk, Micronesia, facilitate the process of becoming dead. In Chuuk, recently deceased kin often appear as spirits to their living relatives and possess women of the family to give comfort and guidance, and to deliver important messages from beyond the grave. Funerary encounters and possessions occur during or shortly after the period of formal mourning, when mortuary rituals are performed, and are marked by intense emotions of love/sadness (ttong), grief/loss (leetiipeta), and suffering (riaffou) shared by the living and the newly departed. Spirits of the newly deceased remain fully sentient beings who wish to be with their living kin. They occupy a liminal place between the worlds of the living and the dead, and hover invisibly around their earthly families and homes, as yet uncertain about their place and role in the afterlife. During this liminal period, the soul of the dead (nguun), in becoming a spirit of the dead (sootupw), becomes a new kind of Chuukese person and social agent in the world. At the same time that a sootupw learns to "be dead," those left behind mourn their loss while they wait and wonder about the fate of their loved one's soul. The spirit may initiate contact and provide answers through possession or encounters, or the living may attempt to communicate with the spirit by talking to the grave or "playing" ouija board, an introduction that is increasingly popular today. In this way, the living undergo their own process of reconciling themselves to the corporeal death and new spiritual life of their departed relative. Most anthropological writing on this topic focuses on mortuary rituals and the attendant social and emotional aspects of death and dying, that is, on the beliefs, practices, and experiences of the living (e.g., Bloch and Parry 1982; de Witte 2001; Metcalf and Huntington 1991). Comparatively little has been said about the spirit world in terms of the parallel journey taken by the souls of the dead. This article approaches the process of becoming dead as one that occurs on both sides of the cosmological divide between the world of the living and the afterlife. I take seriously the beliefs of Chuukese/Mortlockese (2) in spirits, encounters, and possession, and endeavor to elucidate the processual journey of death and the afterlife in ways that make sense to them, not just to anthropologists. Therefore, traditional and contemporary mortuary rituals, death and the transformation of the soul into a spirit being, experiences of the afterlife, and interactions with the spirit world through funerary possession and spirit encounters, are examined in order to understand the process of death as a journey of becoming that is also marked by social rupture, ritual, and the social/emotional problems of grief and attachment. …
来世之魂:密克罗尼西亚楚克的死亡、随葬附身和来世
在密克罗尼西亚的楚克,最近去世的亲属经常以灵魂访客的形式出现,他们可能拥有女性亲属,以便提供安慰和指导,并从坟墓之外传递重要信息。这些灵魂是完全有知觉的生物,他们与尘世的家园和家人保持着社会和情感联系,并在现世和来世之间占据着一个有限的空间。在这个阈限期间,灵魂必须学会如何“死亡”,而活着的人则努力调和自己与肉体的死亡和死者的新精神生活。灵魂附身和其他形式的灵魂交流,包括普遍使用的占卜板,有助于促进宇宙分裂双方的“死亡”过程。传统和当代的殡葬仪式,死亡和灵魂转化为一种精神存在,来世的经历,以及通过葬礼占有和精神相遇与精神世界的互动,为了理解死亡作为一种转变之旅,也以社会破裂、仪式、悲伤和依恋的问题为标志。(灵魂附身,死亡,宇宙学,基督教,密克罗尼西亚)这篇文章探讨了在密克罗尼西亚的楚克,人死后不久,灵魂附身是如何促进死亡过程的。在楚克,最近去世的亲属经常以灵魂的形式出现在他们活着的亲属身上,并拥有家庭中的女性,以给予安慰和指导,并从坟墓之外传递重要信息。葬礼上的相遇和占有发生在正式哀悼期间或之后不久,当太平间仪式进行时,以强烈的爱/悲伤(ttong),悲伤/失落(leetiipeta)和痛苦(riaffou)为特征,由生者和刚离开的人共同分担。新死者的灵魂仍然是完全有知觉的生命,希望与他们活着的亲人在一起。他们在生与死的世界之间占据着一个模糊的位置,无形地徘徊在他们尘世的家庭和家园周围,还不确定他们在死后的地位和角色。在这一阈值时期,亡灵在成为亡灵的过程中,成为一种新的楚克人与世界上的社会代理人。与此同时,一个亡灵学会了“死亡”,那些留下的人一边哀悼他们的损失,一边等待,想知道他们所爱的人的灵魂的命运。鬼魂可能会通过附身或偶遇的方式开始接触并提供答案,或者活人可能会试图通过与坟墓对话或“玩”灵媒板来与鬼魂交流,这是一种如今越来越流行的介绍。通过这种方式,生者经历了他们自己与死去的亲人的肉体死亡和新的精神生活和解的过程。关于这一主题的大多数人类学著作都集中在殡葬仪式以及随之而来的死亡和临终的社会和情感方面,即关于生者的信仰、实践和经历(例如,Bloch and Parry 1982;de Witte 2001;Metcalf and Huntington, 1991)。相对而言,关于灵魂世界的说法很少涉及死者灵魂的平行旅程。这篇文章将死亡的过程看作是发生在现世和来世这两个宇宙学分水岭上的过程。我认真对待楚克人/摩洛克人(2)关于灵魂、相遇和占有的信仰,并努力以对他们(而不仅仅是人类学家)有意义的方式阐明死亡和来世的过程之旅。因此,传统和当代的殡葬仪式,死亡和灵魂转化为精神存在,来世的经历,以及通过葬礼占有和精神相遇与精神世界的互动,都是为了理解死亡的过程,作为成为的旅程,也以社会破裂,仪式和悲伤和依恋的社会/情感问题为标志。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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