Race and the politics of identity in Nepal

Ethnology Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI:10.2307/3773959
Susan I. Hangen
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引用次数: 17

Abstract

While many anthropological studies on race have focused on dominant uses of race, race can be a powerful form of oppositional identity. Subaltern people may assert racial identities for political mobilization. This article investigates why a small political party that sought to mobilize Nepal's ethnic groups chose to redefine them as members of the Mongol race. By tracing the historical and contemporary meanings of race and other discourses of identity in Nepal, the article analyzes the meanings of this construction of race, and shows bow using race appeared to be an effective political strategy. (Race, strategic essentialism, identity politics, Nepal) ********** In east Nepal in 1997, activists of a small political party called the Mongol National Organization (MNO) held a rally on a windy village hilltop. Seated on the ground was an audience of about 50 children and adults from many of the ethnic groups who live in this part of Nepal: Rai, Limbu, Sunuwar, Magar, and Gurung. Among the first speakers of the day was the president of the MNO's district committee, a stout Rai man in his thirties. Broadcasting over a loudspeaker rigged to a car battery, he explained to the crowd what it meant for them to be Mongol: We are a Mongol community, we are not a caste either; we are Mongol. For example, in this world there are three types of people. One is white with white skin like Americans, for example like sister here [referring to me].... The other has black skin and is called Negro. The other is called the red race like us: short like us; stocky like us; with small eyes and flat noses like us. Altogether you find these three types of people in the world. So from these three groups, we call one group Mongol. Mongol, meaning, we are this country's Mongols. People called Mongols are found in many places in the world. One [group of] Mongols is also found in China and other Mongols are found in Malaysia. There are Mongols in the world but we are not those foreign Mongols. We are the Mongols of Nepal. We are Nepal's Mongols and our fight is with the Hindu rulers here. By asserting that these peoples were Mongols, this MNO leader defined them as a race. He argued that they are members of one of the major biological groups of people in the world, and that Mongols in Nepal could be identified by a specific set of physical features that they shared with Mongols in other parts of Asia. The idea that this heterogeneous group of people belonged to a Mongol race was a recurring theme in MNO communications during my research in the mid-1990s. These frequent references to the racial identity of Mongols were necessary because it was an uncommon way for people to identify themselves in Nepal. Many of the people that the MNO sought to mobilize in east Nepal had never thought of themselves as Mongols prior to the arrival of the MNO. One young Magar man expressed what many other party supporters would say in conversation: "We didn't know that we were Mongols until the MNO came here." Previously, the peoples that the MNO began to call Mongols had thought of themselves as belonging to a jati, a caste or ethnic group; in this framework, it was not biological differences but cultural practices, language, religion, and their social ranking below high-caste Hindus that were the key attributes of identity. By a process of racialization (see Barot and Bird 2001), this group of people came to be represented and categorized in racial terms as part of the mobilization of the MNO (Omi and Winant 1986; Winant 1994). This essay analyzes why the MNO asserted a racial identity for this diverse group of people, and the meanings of the MNO's invoking race in this political and historical context. In addition, it deepens anthropological understanding of uses of race by people who are subaltern; i.e., economically and politically subordinate within a society. It was not inevitable that the MNO would define the population it sought to mobilize as a race. …
尼泊尔的种族与身份政治
虽然许多关于种族的人类学研究都集中在种族的主要用途上,但种族可以是一种强有力的对立身份形式。次等人可能为了政治动员而主张种族身份。这篇文章调查了为什么一个试图动员尼泊尔少数民族的小政党选择将他们重新定义为蒙古民族的成员。通过追溯种族的历史和当代意义以及尼泊尔其他身份话语,本文分析了这种种族建构的意义,并展示了如何利用种族似乎是一种有效的政治策略。(种族,战略本质主义,身份政治,尼泊尔)********** 1997年,在尼泊尔东部,一个名为蒙古民族组织(MNO)的小政党的积极分子在一个多风的村庄山顶举行了集会。地面上坐着大约50名儿童和成人,他们来自生活在尼泊尔这一地区的许多少数民族:拉伊、林布、苏努瓦尔、马加尔和古隆。当天第一批发言的是MNO地区委员会主席,一个30多岁的魁梧的拉伊人。他通过一个安装在汽车电池上的扬声器向人群解释了作为蒙古人的意义:我们是一个蒙古社区,我们也不是一个种姓;我们是蒙古人。例如,在这个世界上有三种人。一个是白人,皮肤像美国人一样白,比如这里的妹妹(指的是我)....另一个是黑皮肤,被称为Negro。另一种叫做像我们一样的红种人:像我们一样矮;像我们一样健壮;像我们一样长着小眼睛和扁鼻子。世界上总共有这三种人。所以在这三个群体中,我们称其中一个为蒙古人。蒙古人,意思是,我们是这个国家的蒙古人。蒙古人在世界上许多地方都有。在中国也发现了一群蒙古人,在马来西亚也发现了其他蒙古人。世界上有蒙古人,但我们不是那些外来的蒙古人。我们是尼泊尔的蒙古人。我们是尼泊尔的蒙古人,我们的战斗对象是这里的印度教统治者。通过断言这些人是蒙古人,这位MNO领导人将他们定义为一个种族。他认为,他们是世界上主要生物群体之一的成员,尼泊尔的蒙古人可以通过一组特定的身体特征来识别,这些特征与亚洲其他地区的蒙古人相同。在我20世纪90年代中期的研究中,这个异质群体属于蒙古种族的想法是MNO通信中反复出现的主题。这些频繁提及蒙古人的种族身份是必要的,因为在尼泊尔,人们用这种方式来表明自己的身份并不常见。MNO在尼泊尔东部动员的许多人在MNO到来之前从未想过自己是蒙古人。一名年轻的马加尔人表达了许多其他党的支持者在谈话中会说的话:“直到MNO来到这里,我们才知道自己是蒙古人。”在此之前,MNO开始称蒙古人为民族,他们认为自己属于一个贾提(jati),一个种姓或民族群体;在这个框架中,身份的关键属性不是生物差异,而是文化习俗、语言、宗教以及他们低于高种姓印度教徒的社会地位。通过种族化的过程(见Barot and Bird 2001),作为MNO动员的一部分,这群人开始被代表并按种族分类(Omi and Winant 1986;Winant 1994)。本文分析了MNO为什么要为这个多元化的群体主张种族身份,以及MNO在这种政治和历史背景下援引种族的意义。此外,它加深了人类学对次等人使用种族一词的理解;也就是说,在一个社会中处于经济和政治的从属地位。MNO将其试图动员的人口定义为一个种族并不是不可避免的。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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