{"title":"Temple-building and heritage in China","authors":"S. C. Chan","doi":"10.2307/3773960","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Building Huang Da Xian temples in Jinhua, in the Lower Yangtze Delta, is a \"heritage\" process, an interpretation, manipulation, and invention of the past for present and future interests. Local memories of the saint Huang Da Xian were awakened by Hong Kong pilgrims, and the subsequent construction of temples enacted the politics of nationalism with a transnational connection. The process of remembering the saint and constructing temples creates, mediates, and invents relationships between the locals in Jinhua and Chinese living in mainland China and elsewhere. The multiple meanings of temple- building are examined for mainland Chinese, Chinese in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and the nation state. While the mainlanders treat new temples as places to perform religious activities, attract tourists, and develop the local economy, temple construction for the overseas Chinese is a nostalgic search for authenticity and roots. The state has utilized Huang Da Xian as a symbol of nationalism to reinforce a Chinese identity among mainlanders and all other Chinese. (Temple, heritage, tourism, religion, Wong Tai Sin) ********** Temple construction and reconstruction in China have been common since the 1980s. At an individual level, temples are often understood to be built to solve anxieties and problems for people living in cities and villages. Temple revival is often for healing wounded cultures and recovering the status of individuals and clans (Jing 1996; Aijmer and Ho 2000). From a societal perspective, the revival of temples is also perceived as a process of recycling cultural fragments under new circumstances (Siu 1989:134), with religion a means to reverse the moral decadence and the commoditi-zation of relationships brought about by economic reforms (Weller 1987). Religious sites show the power dynamics between local authorities and the state (Tsai 2002; Watson 1985; Aijmer and Ho 2000; Hsiao 1960; Dean 2003:352). Ritual celebrations sometimes symbolize resistance against the state (Potter 2003; Feuchtwang 2000), through which the hegemonic model is challenged (Weller 1995; Sangren 1987; Dean 1998:277). Cults and religion also provide a site of \"cultural contestation and competing local interests\" (Dean 1998:281). While attaining a degree of integration with the state, local society preserves its uniqueness through a complex and diverse network of local and regional cults (Dean 1998:338). Various forces within the state create or revive temples and grant different meanings to the practice of religion at the local level. But the role of overseas Chinese in reviving or creating religious activities and ritual celebrations has received relatively little attention. The discussions in Kuah (2003) and Woon (1984) of religious practices such as ancestral worship and building ancestral halls in South China mainly focus on the revival of lineage culture. Although Dean (1998) stresses that pilgrims from overseas played a role in the development of temples in Fujian, the emphasis there is on how these cultural symbols were utilized by villagers to form networks in the local community. The present study complements the studies just mentioned by revealing the multiple meanings of temples for people living in China and Hong Kong, and how they and the nation state utilize and appropriate the meanings differently. The temples were constructed as a result of a transnational (i.e., Hong Kong and Taiwan) concern with cultural heritage, the local economy, and tourism. (2) This article suggests that temple construction could be examined as a deliberate process of inventing heritage for tourism and economic development. Two questions will be addressed. How was the revival or invention of heritage triggered by transnational links and subsequently exploited by the locals, together with the efforts of the overseas Chinese and the state for multiple purposes? And how did the process of constructing temples and heritage create and mediate relationships between the locals and other Chinese in China and Chinese overseas? …","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"44 1","pages":"65-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773960","citationCount":"27","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Ethnology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773960","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 27
Abstract
Building Huang Da Xian temples in Jinhua, in the Lower Yangtze Delta, is a "heritage" process, an interpretation, manipulation, and invention of the past for present and future interests. Local memories of the saint Huang Da Xian were awakened by Hong Kong pilgrims, and the subsequent construction of temples enacted the politics of nationalism with a transnational connection. The process of remembering the saint and constructing temples creates, mediates, and invents relationships between the locals in Jinhua and Chinese living in mainland China and elsewhere. The multiple meanings of temple- building are examined for mainland Chinese, Chinese in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and the nation state. While the mainlanders treat new temples as places to perform religious activities, attract tourists, and develop the local economy, temple construction for the overseas Chinese is a nostalgic search for authenticity and roots. The state has utilized Huang Da Xian as a symbol of nationalism to reinforce a Chinese identity among mainlanders and all other Chinese. (Temple, heritage, tourism, religion, Wong Tai Sin) ********** Temple construction and reconstruction in China have been common since the 1980s. At an individual level, temples are often understood to be built to solve anxieties and problems for people living in cities and villages. Temple revival is often for healing wounded cultures and recovering the status of individuals and clans (Jing 1996; Aijmer and Ho 2000). From a societal perspective, the revival of temples is also perceived as a process of recycling cultural fragments under new circumstances (Siu 1989:134), with religion a means to reverse the moral decadence and the commoditi-zation of relationships brought about by economic reforms (Weller 1987). Religious sites show the power dynamics between local authorities and the state (Tsai 2002; Watson 1985; Aijmer and Ho 2000; Hsiao 1960; Dean 2003:352). Ritual celebrations sometimes symbolize resistance against the state (Potter 2003; Feuchtwang 2000), through which the hegemonic model is challenged (Weller 1995; Sangren 1987; Dean 1998:277). Cults and religion also provide a site of "cultural contestation and competing local interests" (Dean 1998:281). While attaining a degree of integration with the state, local society preserves its uniqueness through a complex and diverse network of local and regional cults (Dean 1998:338). Various forces within the state create or revive temples and grant different meanings to the practice of religion at the local level. But the role of overseas Chinese in reviving or creating religious activities and ritual celebrations has received relatively little attention. The discussions in Kuah (2003) and Woon (1984) of religious practices such as ancestral worship and building ancestral halls in South China mainly focus on the revival of lineage culture. Although Dean (1998) stresses that pilgrims from overseas played a role in the development of temples in Fujian, the emphasis there is on how these cultural symbols were utilized by villagers to form networks in the local community. The present study complements the studies just mentioned by revealing the multiple meanings of temples for people living in China and Hong Kong, and how they and the nation state utilize and appropriate the meanings differently. The temples were constructed as a result of a transnational (i.e., Hong Kong and Taiwan) concern with cultural heritage, the local economy, and tourism. (2) This article suggests that temple construction could be examined as a deliberate process of inventing heritage for tourism and economic development. Two questions will be addressed. How was the revival or invention of heritage triggered by transnational links and subsequently exploited by the locals, together with the efforts of the overseas Chinese and the state for multiple purposes? And how did the process of constructing temples and heritage create and mediate relationships between the locals and other Chinese in China and Chinese overseas? …
在长江下游三角洲的金华,黄大仙寺的建设是一个“传承”的过程,是对过去的解释、操纵和发明,以满足现在和未来的利益。香港的朝圣者唤醒了当地对圣人黄大仙的记忆,随后的寺庙建设制定了具有跨国联系的民族主义政治。纪念圣人和建造寺庙的过程创造、调解和发明了金华当地人与生活在中国大陆和其他地方的中国人之间的关系。本文考察了中国大陆人、香港和台湾的中国人以及民族国家对寺庙建筑的多重含义。内地人将新建寺庙视为进行宗教活动、吸引游客和发展当地经济的场所,而对海外华人来说,寺庙建设是一种对真实性和根源的怀旧探索。国家利用黄大仙作为民族主义的象征,加强内地人和所有其他中国人的中国认同。(寺庙,遗产,旅游,宗教,黄大仙)**********自20世纪80年代以来,寺庙的建设和重建在中国很常见。在个人层面上,寺庙通常被理解为是为了解决生活在城市和农村的人们的焦虑和问题而建造的。寺庙复兴通常是为了治愈受伤的文化,恢复个人和部落的地位(Jing 1996;Aijmer and Ho 2000)。从社会的角度来看,寺庙的复兴也被认为是在新环境下回收文化碎片的过程(Siu 1989:134),宗教是扭转经济改革带来的道德堕落和关系商品化的手段(Weller 1987)。宗教场所显示了地方当局与国家之间的权力动态(Tsai 2002;沃森1985;Aijmer and Ho 2000;萧1960;院长2003:352)。仪式庆典有时象征着对国家的抵抗(波特2003;Feuchtwang 2000),通过这种方式,霸权模式受到挑战(Weller 1995;Sangren 1987;院长1998:277)。邪教和宗教也提供了一个“文化争论和地方利益竞争”的场所(Dean 1998:281)。在与国家实现一定程度的融合的同时,当地社会通过复杂多样的地方和地区邪教网络保持其独特性(Dean 1998:338)。国家内部的各种力量创造或复兴寺庙,并赋予地方一级的宗教实践不同的意义。但海外华人在复兴或创造宗教活动和仪式庆典方面的作用却相对较少受到关注。Kuah(2003)和Woon(1984)对华南地区祭祀祖先、修建祠堂等宗教习俗的讨论主要集中在宗族文化的复兴上。虽然Dean(1998)强调来自海外的朝圣者在福建寺庙的发展中发挥了作用,但重点是村民如何利用这些文化符号在当地社区形成网络。本研究是对上述研究的补充,揭示了生活在中国和香港的人们对寺庙的多重意义,以及他们和民族国家如何以不同的方式利用和使用这些意义。这些寺庙是跨国(即香港和台湾)对文化遗产、当地经济和旅游业的关注的结果。(2)本文认为,寺庙建设可以被视为一个为旅游和经济发展而精心创造遗产的过程。这里将讨论两个问题。遗产的复兴或发明是如何由跨国联系引发的,并随后在海外华人和国家的努力下被当地人利用,以达到多种目的的?建造寺庙和遗产的过程如何创造和调解当地华人与其他中国华人和海外华人之间的关系?…