Domesticating the Immigrant Other: Japanese Media Images of Nikkeijin Return Migrants

Ethnology Pub Date : 2003-09-22 DOI:10.2307/3773830
Takeyuki Tsuda
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引用次数: 31

Abstract

The return migration of Latin American nikkeijin to Japan is unprecedented in the country's history. Never has Japan been faced with so many returning Japanese who are so culturally different. Their presence profoundly challenges the country's long-held beliefs about Japanese ethnicity, race, and culture. Although the media are reputed to be the principal agents of social change, their coverage of these nikkeijin immigrants does more to reinforce than challenge traditional Japanese ethnic and cultural assumptions. (Migration, ethnicity, media, Japan) In the early 1990s, a popular weekly Japanese television program called Naruhodo za Warudo (Let's Go! The World) introduced Japanese audiences to the different customs, foods, and peoples of foreign societies. However, in one particular show the exotic person introduced was not an African or Melanesian, but a Latin American nikkeijin (Japanese descendant born and raised outside Japan). A Japanese Peruvian who had been crowned the Miss Nikkei beauty pageant queen was paraded onstage in a traditional Japanese kimono. Although she looked completely Japanese, the audience was greatly amused when she stumbled over the simplest Japanese lines she had been fed and eventually resorted to Spanish. This is an example of how the Japanese media exoticize the nikkeijin as ethnic curiosities who do not fit the Japanese notion that those of Japanese descent should be culturally Japanese as well. The Latin American nikkeijin have become much more than ethnic anomalies in Japan. With a population of well over 300,000, they have become the second largest group of foreigners in Japan after the Korean Japanese, and their numbers continue to grow steadily despite the country's prolonged economic recession. The largest group of nikkeijin immigrants are the Japanese Brazilians, who began migrating to Japan in the late 1980s in response to a severe Brazilian economic crisis and a crippling shortage of unskilled labor in Japan (Tsuda 1999a). Although they are relatively well educated and middle class in Brazil, they earn five to ten times their Brazilian salaries as factory workers in Japan. Almost all of them initially went to Japan with intentions to work for a few years and then return to Brazil with their savings, so they have been called dekasegi (temporary migrant workers). However, many remained, brought their families to Japan, and became long-term settlers (Roth 1999:150-54; Tsuda 1999b; Yamanaka 2000). Most of the Japanese Brazilian return migrants are second and third generation (nisei and sansei and no longer culturally Japanese. Therefore, despite their Japanese descent, they are treated as foreigners in Japan because of the narrow definition of what constitutes being Japanese, and have become the country's newest ethnic minority. The Brazilian nikkeijin have attracted a disproportionate amount of Japanese media attention, which has thrust them prominently into public awareness (Tsuda 2003:xiii-xv). As a result, even though many Japanese have not personally encountered Japanese Brazilians, most know of them. In low-immigration countries like Japan, most information and impressions about immigrants are obtained from the media, since the public has little contact with them. In addition, the media in Japan are powerfully influential. The Japanese watch an average of three hours and 23 minutes of television a day (Pharr 1996a:5), (1) an hour more than the average for Americans. Just as notable as the attention Japanese television receives is the amount of respect it has in Japanese society. According to a Research Institute of Japan survey, 56 per cent of the public expressed strong confidence in the credibility of television programming, compared with less than 20 per cent in the United States, according to Gallup/Harris polls (Pharr 1996a:15). Another study found that executives in a variety of organizations (including business, labor, academics, politics, and government) rank the media as the most influential institution in Japan (cited in Pharr 1996b: 19 and Verba et al. …
归化移民他者:日本媒体对日经回移民的形象
拉美日经人返回日本的移民潮在日本历史上是前所未有的。日本从来没有遇到过这么多文化差异如此之大的归国日本人。他们的存在深刻地挑战了这个国家长期以来对日本民族、种族和文化的看法。虽然媒体被认为是社会变革的主要推动者,但他们对这些日经人移民的报道更多地是加强而不是挑战日本传统的民族和文化假设。(移民,种族,媒体,日本)在20世纪90年代初,一个受欢迎的每周日本电视节目《走吧!》《世界》向日本观众介绍了外国社会的不同习俗、食物和人民。然而,在一个特别的节目中,被介绍的外国人不是非洲人或美拉尼西亚人,而是拉丁美洲的nikkeijin(在日本以外出生和长大的日本后裔)。一名日裔秘鲁人身着传统的日本和服登上舞台,她被加冕为“日经小姐”选美皇后。虽然她看起来完全是日本人,但当她在最简单的日语台词上磕磕绊绊,最终转向西班牙语时,观众们都被逗乐了。这是日本媒体如何将日经人异域化的一个例子,他们不符合日本人的观念,即日本血统的人在文化上也应该是日本人。拉丁美洲的日经人在日本已经不仅仅是异类种族了。他们的人口远远超过30万,已经成为日本的第二大外国人群体,仅次于韩国人。尽管日本经济长期衰退,但他们的人数仍在稳步增长。日经人移民中最大的群体是日裔巴西人,他们在20世纪80年代末开始移民到日本,以应对巴西严重的经济危机和日本严重的非熟练劳动力短缺(Tsuda 1999a)。虽然他们在巴西是受过良好教育的中产阶级,但他们在日本的工厂工人工资是巴西人的5到10倍。他们几乎都是先去日本工作几年,然后带着积蓄回到巴西,所以他们被称为dekasegi(临时移民工人)。然而,许多人留了下来,把他们的家人带到日本,并成为长期定居者(Roth 1999:150-54;津田1999 b;实验:2000)。大多数返回巴西的日本移民是第二代和第三代(日裔和三生),在文化上不再是日本人。因此,尽管他们有日本血统,但由于对日本人构成的狭隘定义,他们在日本被视为外国人,并成为该国最新的少数民族。巴西的nikkeijin吸引了日本媒体不成比例的关注,这使它们突出地进入了公众的意识(Tsuda 2003: xiiii -xv)。因此,尽管许多日本人没有亲自遇到过日裔巴西人,但大多数人都知道他们。在像日本这样的低移民国家,大多数关于移民的信息和印象都是从媒体获得的,因为公众很少与他们接触。此外,日本的媒体具有强大的影响力。日本人平均每天看3小时23分钟的电视(phr 1996:5),比美国人多1小时。与日本电视受到的关注同样值得注意的是,日本社会对它的尊重程度。根据日本研究所的一项调查,56%的公众对电视节目的可信度表示强烈的信心,而根据盖洛普/哈里斯民意调查,在美国这一比例不到20%。另一项研究发现,各种组织(包括商业、劳工、学术、政治和政府)的高管将媒体列为日本最具影响力的机构(引自farr 1996b: 19和Verba等人. ...)
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