V

Poesie der Postmoderne, M. Foucault
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Abstract

There exists a rich system of nominal declension in Mongolic languages. The cases found universally are the nominative, genitive, accusative, dative-locative, ablative, and instructive. The nominative case has no special marking and, thus, coincides with the bare stem of the word. The oblique cases are expressed by agglutination of special suffixes to the stem. At the same time, the bare unmarked stem can also frequently be used in the meaning of oblique cases, cf. Khalkh. Ulaanbaatar yawaw = Ulaanbaatar-t yawaw ‘[I/you/he] went to Ulan-Batur’. One can easily see that, from the point of view of contensive typology, the structure of the Mongolic case paradigm demonstrates a complex of nominative-type features. The subjects of both intransitive and transitive verbs are expressed by the nominative case, whilst the special accusative expresses the direct object; also the genitive, as some researchers (I. Meščaninov, G. Klimov and others) assume, mainly correlates with the nominative type. Nor does the existence of unmarked stem-forms in oblique case functions contradict the nominative typology: the same situation holds in many other unquestionably nominative languages, including Turkic, FinnoUgric, some Indo-European, and others. The nominal stem in Mongolic mostly remains unchanged when affixed (although in some languages the omission of a non-phonemic reduced vowel is possible, as in Khalkh. chono ‘wulf’, acc. chon-yg; oron ‘place’, acc. orn-yg). Exceptions to this rule are the so-called “nouns with unstable final -n”. Essentially they have two stems differing by the presence/absence of final -n. In Khalka-Mongolian, Buryat and Kalmyk the rules that regulate the use of these two stems before case markers are mostly identical. The stem with -n is used in the genitive, the dativelocative and the ablative cases; thus with the word for ‘horse’ (Khalkh. mor', Bur. morin, Kalm. Mörn):
V
蒙古族语言中存在着丰富的名词变音系统。普遍发现的情况是主格、属格、宾格、主位、烧蚀和指示。主格没有特殊的标记,因此与单词的裸词干一致。斜格是通过词干的特殊后缀的凝集来表示的。同时,裸无标记的词干也可以经常用于斜语的意思,如Khalkh。'我/你/他去了乌兰巴托'。从密集类型学的角度来看,蒙古语个案范式的结构表现出一种复杂的主谓类型特征。不及物动词和及物动词的主语都用主格表示,而特殊宾格表示直接宾语;此外,有些研究者(I. Meščaninov, G. Klimov等)认为,属格主要与主格类型相关。在斜格功能中存在的无标记词干形式也不与主格类型学相矛盾:同样的情况也存在于许多其他毫无疑问的主格语言中,包括突厥语、芬兰语、一些印欧语和其他语言。蒙古语的名词干在加成后基本保持不变(尽管在某些语言中省略非音位的略读元音是可能的,如在Khalkh语中)。Chono ' wulf ',好吧。chon-yg;或“地方”,等等。orn-yg)。这个规则的例外是所谓的“以不稳定结尾的名词”。从本质上讲,它们有两个词干,不同之处在于最后一个-n的存在与否。在喀尔喀-蒙古语、布里亚特语和卡尔梅克语中,这两种词干在大小写标记前的使用规则基本相同。带-n的词干用于物主格、格位格和烧蚀格;因此有了“马”这个词(Khalkh)。铁道部,钻。莫林,Kalm。早晨):
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