Regionalism and the Quest for Security: ASEAN and the Cambodian Conflict

Muthiah Alagappa
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引用次数: 53

Abstract

The reordering of the international system in the absence of a hegemonic war has revitalized the debate on the nature of international politics, and the continued relevance of the realist paradigm.(2) Critics of the realist paradigm contend that as survival has ceased to be a problem for more developed states, they no longer search consistently for relative gains. Their behavior now can only be understood in the context of international institutions that both constrain states and make their actions intelligible to others.(3) Indeed, some argue that multilateral norms and institutions have made significant contributions toward stabilizing the peaceful transformation of the international system, and that they are likely to become increasingly important in the management of change at the regional and global levels.(4) Multilateralism may or may not supplant the self-help approach and become the dominant mode of interaction among states; there is little doubt, however, that its relevance will further increase, as indicated by the important role of international organizations in post-cold War era conflict resolution.(5) This article will examine the effectiveness and limitations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in coping with the Cambodian conflict.(6) An international accord ending the 13-year-old conflict was signed at a U.N.-sponsored peace conference in Paris in October 1991. Although involving states external to the Association, the conflict threatened the security of at least one ASEAN member and also affected the security of the Southeast Asian region as a whole. As ASEAN has frequently been cited as one of the more successful Third World regional organizations, an investigation of its role and effectiveness in the Cambodian conflict should provide valuable insight into the security roles of regional organizations in general. Current interest in security regionalism may be traced to two major developments. First, the lifting of the Cold War overlay has removed the integrating dynamic and increased the discontinuity between the global system and regional subsystems. Combined with increasing resource constraints, the major powers may no longer have the interest or the capability to become involved in regional conflicts as in the past. While conflicts like the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait may evoke prompt and substantive response, others less consequential to their interests may not. This could shift the burden of addressing regional problems to local states; but it also presents them with the opportunity to gain greater control over their regional environment. Second, the end of the Cold War has invigorated the U.N. Security Council's role of maintaining international peace and security, which could also strengthen the security function of regional organizations. In a report prepared on the instruction of the Security Council summit meeting, Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali stated: ... In this new era of opportunity, regional arrangements or agencies can render great service ... the Security Council has and will continue to have primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, but regional action as a matter of decentralization, delegation and cooperation with the United Nations could not only lighten the burden of the Council, but also contribute to a deeper sense of participation, consensus and democratization in international affairs.(7) Longer-term developments have also made regionalism more attractive to developing states, including their growing political maturity, and the perceived potential of regionalism to promote their economic development and to mitigate their disadvantaged position in the international system.(8) This is not to argue that regionalism will mushroom in every part of the globe. Rather, the general conditions at the systemic and unit levels are becoming more favorable, and the security regionalism option is likely to receive greater attention from the international community. …
地区主义与对安全的追求:东盟与柬埔寨冲突
在没有霸权战争的情况下,国际体系的重新排序重新激发了关于国际政治本质的辩论,以及现实主义范式的持续相关性。(2)现实主义范式的批评者认为,对于更发达的国家来说,生存已不再是一个问题,它们不再一贯地寻求相对收益。他们的行为现在只能在国际机构的背景下理解,这些机构既约束国家,又使其他国家理解他们的行为。(3)事实上,一些人认为,多边规范和机构对稳定国际体系的和平转型做出了重大贡献。(4)多边主义可能会也可能不会取代自助方式,成为国家间互动的主导模式;然而,毫无疑问,它的相关性将进一步增加,正如国际组织在冷战后时代冲突解决中的重要作用所表明的那样。(5)本文将研究东南亚国家联盟(东盟)在应对柬埔寨冲突方面的有效性和局限性。(6)1991年10月在巴黎举行的联合国主持的和平会议上签署了一项结束13年冲突的国际协议。虽然冲突涉及东盟以外的国家,但至少威胁到一个东盟成员国的安全,也影响到整个东南亚地区的安全。由于东盟经常被认为是比较成功的第三世界区域组织之一,对其在柬埔寨冲突中的作用和效力的调查应该对整个区域组织的安全作用提供宝贵的见解。当前对安全区域主义的兴趣可以追溯到两个主要的事态发展。第一,冷战覆盖层的解除消除了一体化的动力,增加了全球系统和区域子系统之间的不连续性。再加上日益增加的资源限制,大国可能不再像过去那样有兴趣或有能力卷入地区冲突。虽然像伊拉克入侵科威特这样的冲突可能会引起迅速和实质性的反应,但对他们的利益影响较小的冲突可能不会。这可能会将解决地区问题的负担转移给地方政府;但这也为他们提供了更好地控制地区环境的机会。第二,冷战的结束为联合国安理会维护国际和平与安全的作用注入了活力,这也可以加强地区组织的安全职能。秘书长布特罗斯·布特罗斯-加利在根据安全理事会首脑会议指示编写的一份报告中说:……在这个充满机遇的新时代,区域性安排或机构可以提供很大的服务。安全理事会对维持国际和平与安全负有并将继续负有主要责任,但区域行动作为权力下放、授权和与联合国合作的事项,不仅可以减轻安理会的负担,而且有助于加深对国际事务的参与、协商一致和民主化意识。(7)长期发展也使区域主义对发展中国家更具吸引力。包括它们日益增长的政治成熟,以及区域主义在促进其经济发展和减轻其在国际体系中的不利地位方面所具有的潜力。(8)这并不是说区域主义将在全球各地迅速兴起。相反,系统和单位层面的总体条件正在变得更加有利,安全地区主义选项可能会受到国际社会的更多关注。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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