A timely piece of global relevance, but shouldn't we move towards more real-world studies of the effect of multiple policy interventions and ongoing monitoring of alcohol policy impacts?

IF 5.2 1区 医学 Q1 PSYCHIATRY
Addiction Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI:10.1111/add.16282
Charles D. H. Parry
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These types of study are hard to conduct, because the interventions are beyond the scope of researchers to implement but depend upon policymakers implementing a range of alcohol policy reforms at approximately the same time as happened in Russia [<span>6</span>] and more recently in Lithuania [<span>7</span>].</p><p>Apart from raising the need for project-related research to assess the effect of multiple alcohol policy interventions, there is also a need for governments to begin to look at setting up ongoing monitoring of alcohol use and harms together with the status of key alcohol control measures. The World Health Organization (WHO) SAFER package of interventions [<span>8</span>] provides a useful set of strategies for countries to consider in moving forward pricing and other polices to reduce alcohol harms. 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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Holmes [1] reviews a broad range of studies using different methodologies and data sources to evaluate the impact of minimum unit pricing (MUP) on alcohol consumption and harms in Scotland. This article is timely, coming out several months before the expected release of Public Health Scotland (PHS)’s anticipated final evaluation report on MUP. As such it provides a possible indication of what we might expect in the PHS report, although Holmes [1] includes data not included in the PHS evaluation.

With the risk of MUP enabling legislation in Scotland not being renewed after its automatic expiration at the end of April 2024 if the evaluation of the goals of implementing MUP in Scotland are not deemed to have been realized, this could affect not only the future of MUP in Scotland, but could also have negative ramifications for decisions around the implementation of MUP in other parts of the world, including the Western Cape, South Africa [2]. This is because the Scottish MUP ‘project’ is widely seen as one of the best case-studies for assessing the impact of MUP because it is one of a few examples where MUP has been directly linked to alcoholic content for its whole alcohol market, not just for certain drink types (such as spirits) and because of the breadth of research undertaken to evaluate it. Desired outcomes included decreasing consumption of alcohol by reducing overall consumption of alcohol, especially among people drinking at hazardous and harmful levels [3].

While much can be learnt from the emerging data on the effect of the introduction of MUP in Scotland, including the findings that reported ‘that MUP reduces alcohol sales by ~3.0 to 3.5%, with larger effects on cider and spirits than other beverage types’ [1], this may not provide a full picture of the impact of MUP in parts of the word such as Africa, where beer consumption is substantially higher than in the United Kingdom [4] and where there is a greater risk of drinkers moving towards unrecorded alcohol following the introduction of MUP.

There is tremendous value in research assessing the impact of single interventions such as the impact of MUP upon alcohol consumption and harm. However, these interventions occur in a context of changing socio-economic, political and other conditions, including other alcohol policy responses. It would have been useful for Holmes [1] to have situated the evaluation of MUP in Scotland in terms of these conditions. How might factors such as Brexit, the COVID19 pandemic and increasing energy prices have impacted the findings?

This review of evidence from multiple sources assessing the impact of MUP in Scotland, despite methodological weaknesses of some of the studies, is extremely useful, timely and broadly points to the value of MUP. However, the real impact of policies such as MUP, especially on heavy drinkers and high-intensity drinkers [5], may have to wait until we can see the findings of research studies investigating the impact of multiple interventions at the same time; for example, MUP and tighter controls on marketing of alcohol or MUP and reducing late-night on-consumption trading of alcohol. Holmes briefly alludes to this in the Discussion. These types of study are hard to conduct, because the interventions are beyond the scope of researchers to implement but depend upon policymakers implementing a range of alcohol policy reforms at approximately the same time as happened in Russia [6] and more recently in Lithuania [7].

Apart from raising the need for project-related research to assess the effect of multiple alcohol policy interventions, there is also a need for governments to begin to look at setting up ongoing monitoring of alcohol use and harms together with the status of key alcohol control measures. The World Health Organization (WHO) SAFER package of interventions [8] provides a useful set of strategies for countries to consider in moving forward pricing and other polices to reduce alcohol harms. Tools for monitoring implementation of the SAFER package of interventions are currently under development by WHO headquarters, and useful indicators for steering work in this direction have been developed by colleagues in the South-East Asia Regional Office of WHO (SEARO) [9], the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) [10] and the International Alcohol Control (IAC) Study [11].

None.

No conflicts of interest are declared.

这是一个及时的全球相关性,但我们不应该对多种政策干预的效果进行更多的现实研究,并持续监测酒精政策的影响吗?
Holmes[1]回顾了使用不同方法和数据来源的广泛研究,以评估最低单位定价(MUP)对苏格兰酒精消费和危害的影响。这篇文章很及时,比苏格兰公共卫生部预计发布的MUP最终评估报告早了几个月。因此,它提供了我们在小灵通报告中可能期望的可能指示,尽管Holmes[1]包含了小灵通评估中未包含的数据。如果对苏格兰实施MUP目标的评估未被视为实现,那么苏格兰MUP授权立法在2024年4月底自动到期后可能无法续期,这不仅可能影响苏格兰MUP的未来,还可能对世界其他地区(包括南非西开普省)实施MUP的决策产生负面影响[2]。这是因为苏格兰MUP“项目”被广泛视为评估MUP影响的最佳案例研究之一,因为它是将MUP直接与整个酒精市场的酒精含量联系起来的少数例子之一,而不仅仅是某些饮料类型(如烈酒),而且因为进行了广泛的研究来评估它。期望的结果包括通过减少总体酒精消费量来减少酒精消费量,特别是在饮酒达到危险和有害水平的人群中[3]。虽然可以从苏格兰引入MUP的影响的新数据中学到很多东西,包括报告的发现“MUP使酒精销量减少了约3.0至3.5%,对苹果酒和烈酒的影响比其他饮料类型更大”[1],但这可能无法全面反映MUP在世界部分地区(如非洲)的影响。那里的啤酒消费量远高于英国[4],而且在引入MUP后,饮酒者转向未记录酒精的风险更大。评估单一干预措施(如MUP对酒精消费和危害的影响)的影响的研究具有巨大价值。然而,这些干预措施是在社会经济、政治和其他条件不断变化的背景下进行的,包括其他酒精政策对策。Holmes[1]将苏格兰MUP的评估置于这些条件下是有用的。英国脱欧、新冠疫情和能源价格上涨等因素对调查结果有何影响?尽管一些研究在方法上存在缺陷,但本文对来自多个来源的证据进行了回顾,评估了MUP在苏格兰的影响,这是非常有用的、及时的,并广泛地指出了MUP的价值。然而,MUP等政策的真正影响,特别是对重度饮酒者和高强度饮酒者的影响[5],可能要等到我们看到同时调查多种干预措施影响的研究结果;例如,MUP和更严格地控制酒精营销或MUP,以及减少深夜酒精消费交易。福尔摩斯在《讨论》中简要地提到了这一点。这些类型的研究很难进行,因为干预措施超出了研究人员的实施范围,而是依赖于政策制定者实施一系列酒精政策改革,这些改革几乎与俄罗斯[6]和最近的立陶宛[7]同时发生。除了需要进行与项目有关的研究,以评估多种酒精政策干预措施的效果外,各国政府还需要开始考虑对酒精的使用和危害以及主要酒精控制措施的现状进行持续监测。世界卫生组织(世卫组织)SAFER一揽子干预措施[8]提供了一套有用的战略,供各国在推进定价和其他政策以减少酒精危害方面加以考虑。世卫组织总部目前正在开发用于监测安全一揽子干预措施实施情况的工具,世卫组织东南亚区域办事处[9]、泛美卫生组织[10]和国际酒精控制研究[11]的同事已经制定了指导这方面工作的有用指标。没有利益冲突声明。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Addiction
Addiction 医学-精神病学
CiteScore
10.80
自引率
6.70%
发文量
319
审稿时长
3 months
期刊介绍: Addiction publishes peer-reviewed research reports on pharmacological and behavioural addictions, bringing together research conducted within many different disciplines. Its goal is to serve international and interdisciplinary scientific and clinical communication, to strengthen links between science and policy, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. We seek submissions that are not only technically competent but are also original and contain information or ideas of fresh interest to our international readership. We seek to serve low- and middle-income (LAMI) countries as well as more economically developed countries. Addiction’s scope spans human experimental, epidemiological, social science, historical, clinical and policy research relating to addiction, primarily but not exclusively in the areas of psychoactive substance use and/or gambling. In addition to original research, the journal features editorials, commentaries, reviews, letters, and book reviews.
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