In the last twenty‐five years there has been a significant change in the way political communities deal with their past. A “national” policy of remembrance, which highlights the heroic deeds of its members, commemorates its own victims and crimes inflicted by other entities, and forgets about crimes committed in the name of one’s own community seems to be replaced by a “post‐national” policy of remebrance. In several countries dealing with the dark sides of one’s history has become a significant topos within a policy of remembrance and cultural commemoration. In contrast, a country like Russia refuses to step into this process of establishing a new post‐national regime d’historicite and refers to history only in order to strengthen its national identity: While remembering its effort in defeating Germany in the “Great Fatherland War,” Russian society forgets about the trauma of the Gulag and crimes committed in its name in other former states of the Soviet Union. My paper argues that the specific setting of Russia’s official policy of remembrance is due to the notion of a society of heroes once forcibly institutionalized as the constitutive historiographical principle by Stalin’s regime. Regarding to the discourse in the field of memory such a forced interconnection between historiography and memory could be characterized as »occupied memory«. Although Russia’s official policy of remembrance passed through several quite dif‐ ferent phases, nowadays, however, a critical approach to Russia’s past has been replaced by a “patriotic consensus” that expresses a new – or better – an old Russian concept of identity.