Comment on “How Inequality Affects Trust in Institutions: Evidence from Indonesia”

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS
Takayuki Higashikata
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It has been noted that low trust in governments may lead to vaccine hesitancy (SAGE Working Group on Vaccine Hesitancy, <span>2014</span>), which might have lowered the coverage of Covid-19 vaccination in many countries.</p><p>In order to identify the effects of income inequality on various aspects of trust, Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. construct an impressive dataset comprising various surveys, such as the World Value Survey, the National Socioeconomic Survey (Susenas), Village Census (PODES), and village-level data on estimated poverty and inequality (PovertyMap). Using the informative dataset, Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. reveal statistically significant negative correlations between district-level inequality and trust in political and state institutions. On the other hand, they also find that higher village-level inequality has a negative effect on trust in strangers. The estimation results are intuitively consistent, and Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. provide a useful perspective on the relationship between inequality and trust in Indonesia, though there appear to be some issues that still need to be cleared up.</p><p>First, their cross-section analysis might induce an endogeneity problem. Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. employ ordinary least squares results with reference to endogeneity test outcomes (Suryahadi <i>et al</i>.'s table A.2), which depend on the assumption that their instrumental variable is valid and strong. As Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. are cautious about the results of their analysis, I am still afraid that the inequality variables correlate with the error term (endogeneity). For example, I am concerned that Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. do not control for ethnic diversity among villages in the empirical specifications, while ethnic heterogeneity displays a strong negative correlation with the extent to which people trust each other (Gustavsson &amp; Jordahl, <span>2008</span>; Jordahl, <span>2009</span>).</p><p>Second, in line with the literature, Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. assume that respondents are well acquainted with the objective level of income inequality in their districts and villages. In other words, this means that the subjective perception of inequality is supposed to coincide with, or at least be proportional to, the objective inequality index, but it seems questionable to make such a simple assumption. Hu (<span>2017</span>) suggests that objective inequality and subjective inequality are not correlated and shows a statistically significant nonlinear relationship between subjective inequality and general trust.</p><p>Third, linked to the above comment, it appears that there is room for consideration as to which inequality index is appropriate for the analysis. Previous studies have used inequality indices such as the percentile ratio, top income shares, and the standard deviation of logs in addition to the Gini coefficient, and it is suggested that the estimation results may be sensitive to the choice of indicators (Gustavsson &amp; Jordahl, <span>2008</span>). If such alternative inequality indices are available for Indonesia, it may be worth trying them to check the robustness of the estimation results.</p><p>Fourth, Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. show that while Indonesia's Gini ratio increased at the national level in the 2000s, trust in government organizations and institutions remained flat or increased slightly over the same period (Suryahadi <i>et al</i>.'s figure 3). This simple relationship between disparity and trust seen in the time series data seems to contrast with the results of their cross-sectional analysis, which shows a negative correlation between inequality and trust. It would be useful if Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. could explain the reason for this.</p><p>Fifth, in contrast to Zmerli and Castillo (<span>2015</span>) who explore Latin American cases, Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. find a negative correlation between higher inequality and trust in the central government rather than trust in political parties (Suryahadi <i>et al</i>.'s figure 5). This may be brought about by differences in model specifications, but it would be helpful if Suryahadi <i>et al</i>. can elaborate on the possible reason behind the differences.</p><p>Finally, one of their main challenges for the future will be the search for another appropriate instrumental variable that will allow them to reveal causal relationships between inequality and trust. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Suryahadi et al. (2022) address the challenging task of identifying how income inequality affects trust in others, organizations, and institutions through a cross-section analysis of Indonesia. As previous studies have suggested, the extent of trust is considered an important factor for economic development, for example, by reducing transaction costs. This has led many social scientists to analyze the determinants of trust, but few studies have shed light on the impact of inequality on trust (Gustavsson & Jordahl, 2008; Barone & Mocetti, 2016). The importance of the topic seems to be even greater under the current Covid-19 pandemic. It has been noted that low trust in governments may lead to vaccine hesitancy (SAGE Working Group on Vaccine Hesitancy, 2014), which might have lowered the coverage of Covid-19 vaccination in many countries.

In order to identify the effects of income inequality on various aspects of trust, Suryahadi et al. construct an impressive dataset comprising various surveys, such as the World Value Survey, the National Socioeconomic Survey (Susenas), Village Census (PODES), and village-level data on estimated poverty and inequality (PovertyMap). Using the informative dataset, Suryahadi et al. reveal statistically significant negative correlations between district-level inequality and trust in political and state institutions. On the other hand, they also find that higher village-level inequality has a negative effect on trust in strangers. The estimation results are intuitively consistent, and Suryahadi et al. provide a useful perspective on the relationship between inequality and trust in Indonesia, though there appear to be some issues that still need to be cleared up.

First, their cross-section analysis might induce an endogeneity problem. Suryahadi et al. employ ordinary least squares results with reference to endogeneity test outcomes (Suryahadi et al.'s table A.2), which depend on the assumption that their instrumental variable is valid and strong. As Suryahadi et al. are cautious about the results of their analysis, I am still afraid that the inequality variables correlate with the error term (endogeneity). For example, I am concerned that Suryahadi et al. do not control for ethnic diversity among villages in the empirical specifications, while ethnic heterogeneity displays a strong negative correlation with the extent to which people trust each other (Gustavsson & Jordahl, 2008; Jordahl, 2009).

Second, in line with the literature, Suryahadi et al. assume that respondents are well acquainted with the objective level of income inequality in their districts and villages. In other words, this means that the subjective perception of inequality is supposed to coincide with, or at least be proportional to, the objective inequality index, but it seems questionable to make such a simple assumption. Hu (2017) suggests that objective inequality and subjective inequality are not correlated and shows a statistically significant nonlinear relationship between subjective inequality and general trust.

Third, linked to the above comment, it appears that there is room for consideration as to which inequality index is appropriate for the analysis. Previous studies have used inequality indices such as the percentile ratio, top income shares, and the standard deviation of logs in addition to the Gini coefficient, and it is suggested that the estimation results may be sensitive to the choice of indicators (Gustavsson & Jordahl, 2008). If such alternative inequality indices are available for Indonesia, it may be worth trying them to check the robustness of the estimation results.

Fourth, Suryahadi et al. show that while Indonesia's Gini ratio increased at the national level in the 2000s, trust in government organizations and institutions remained flat or increased slightly over the same period (Suryahadi et al.'s figure 3). This simple relationship between disparity and trust seen in the time series data seems to contrast with the results of their cross-sectional analysis, which shows a negative correlation between inequality and trust. It would be useful if Suryahadi et al. could explain the reason for this.

Fifth, in contrast to Zmerli and Castillo (2015) who explore Latin American cases, Suryahadi et al. find a negative correlation between higher inequality and trust in the central government rather than trust in political parties (Suryahadi et al.'s figure 5). This may be brought about by differences in model specifications, but it would be helpful if Suryahadi et al. can elaborate on the possible reason behind the differences.

Finally, one of their main challenges for the future will be the search for another appropriate instrumental variable that will allow them to reveal causal relationships between inequality and trust. The information-rich dataset they have constructed will make it possible to identify the causal inference and contribute to the literature.

关于“不平等如何影响对制度的信任:来自印度尼西亚的证据”的评论
Suryahadi等人(2022)通过对印度尼西亚的横断面分析,解决了确定收入不平等如何影响对他人、组织和机构的信任这一具有挑战性的任务。正如先前的研究所表明的那样,信任程度被认为是经济发展的一个重要因素,例如通过降低交易成本。这导致许多社会科学家分析了信任的决定因素,但很少有研究揭示不平等对信任的影响(Gustavsson&;Jordahl,2008;Barone和Mocetti,2016)。在当前新冠肺炎大流行的情况下,这个话题的重要性似乎更大。人们注意到,对政府的信任度低可能会导致疫苗犹豫(SAGE疫苗犹豫工作组,2014),这可能降低了许多国家新冠肺炎疫苗接种的覆盖率。为了确定收入不平等对信任各个方面的影响,Suryahadi等人构建了一个令人印象深刻的数据集,包括各种调查,如世界价值调查、国家社会经济调查(Susenas)、村庄人口普查(PODES)和关于估计贫困和不平等的村级数据(PovertyMap)。Suryahadi等人利用信息数据集揭示了地区层面的不平等与对政治和国家机构的信任之间具有统计学意义的负相关性。另一方面,他们还发现,更高的村级不平等对陌生人的信任有负面影响。估计结果直观一致,Suryahadi等人对印度尼西亚的不平等和信任之间的关系提供了一个有用的视角,尽管似乎仍有一些问题需要澄清。首先,他们的横截面分析可能会引发内生性问题。Suryahadi等人参考内生性检验结果采用普通最小二乘法结果(Suryahady等人的表A.2),这取决于他们的工具变量是有效和强大的假设。由于Suryahadi等人对他们的分析结果持谨慎态度,我仍然担心不平等变量与误差项(内生性)相关。例如,我担心Suryahadi等人在实证规范中没有控制村庄之间的种族多样性,而种族异质性与人们相互信任的程度表现出强烈的负相关(Gustavsson&;Jordahl,2008;Jordohl,2009)。其次,与文献一致,Suryahadi等人假设受访者非常熟悉所在地区和村庄收入不平等的客观水平。换言之,这意味着对不平等的主观感知应该与客观的不平等指数一致,或者至少与之成比例,但做出这样一个简单的假设似乎值得怀疑。胡(2017)认为,客观不平等和主观不平等不相关,主观不平等与一般信任之间存在统计学意义上的非线性关系。第三,与上述评论相联系,似乎有考虑哪种不平等指数适合进行分析的余地。先前的研究除了使用基尼系数外,还使用了不平等指数,如百分位数、最高收入份额和对数的标准差,并表明估计结果可能对指标的选择敏感(Gustavsson&;Jordahl,2008)。如果印度尼西亚有这样的替代不平等指数,那么不妨尝试一下,以检查估计结果的稳健性。第四,Suryahadi等人显示,尽管2000年代印尼的基尼系数在全国范围内有所上升,但对政府组织和机构的信任在同一时期保持不变或略有增加(Suryahady等人的图3)。在时间序列数据中看到的差异和信任之间的这种简单关系似乎与他们的横断面分析结果形成了对比,横断面分析显示不平等和信任之间存在负相关。如果Suryahadi等人能够解释这一点的原因,那将是有用的。第五,与Zmerli和Castillo(2015)探索拉丁美洲案例相比,Suryahadi等人发现,更高的不平等与对中央政府的信任而不是对政党的信任之间存在负相关(Suryahady等人的图5)。这可能是由于模型规范的差异造成的,但如果Suryahadi等人能够详细说明差异背后的可能原因,那将是有益的。最后,他们未来的主要挑战之一将是寻找另一个合适的工具变量,使他们能够揭示不平等和信任之间的因果关系。他们构建的信息丰富的数据集将有可能识别因果推断并为文献做出贡献。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
12.90
自引率
2.60%
发文量
39
期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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