Terrorism, Wealth, and Delegation

IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
William Spaniel
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

I develop a model in which a terrorist organization delegates tasks to recruits. The organization wants to assign sensitive tasks to the most reliable recruits but cannot perfectly identify commitment to the cause. In equilibrium, the organization interprets the desirability of a recruit’s opportunities in the civilian sector as a credible signal. When the recruit has attractive options available, the organization infers his commitment and gives him a sensitive task; when it is low, the organization conservatively assigns him a non-sensitive task. I then extend the model to allow for a third-party to endogenously improve economic conditions among the civilian population. Despite raising the opportunity cost of terrorism, such subsidies can increase violence because they help the organization identify committed types. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Pittsburgh. (williamspaniel@gmail.com, http://williamspaniel.com). I thank Mia Bloom, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Martha Crenshaw, Mark Fey, Ben Graham, Connor Huff, Bethany Lacina, Alex Lee, Melia Pfannenstiel, Jack Paine, Branislav Slantchev, Andy Summer, and the participants of the 2016 FMIR conference for their comments. Compared to other types of political violence producers, terrorists have considerable autonomy over day-to-day operations (Shapiro and Siegel 2007; Shapiro 2013). For individuals selected to commit attacks, frequent communication with other agents risks exposing the operation or the network. Although operatives may receive orders from their commanders, they have substantial control over how to carry out those tasks. Lazy or sloppy execution can break an organization’s back. Similarly, terrorist organizations must fear defection. Whereas rebel groups can persist after losing a few comrades, a single defector can force the entire terrorist organization to restructure, change drop points, alter existing attack plans, and remain in stasis until the leaked information ceases to be useful. Consequently, in searching for the ideal recruit, organizations need to find individuals who will not defect at the first bribe offered. Generalizing, because terrorist organizations face monitoring issues (Chai 1993, 103), they have great incentive to separate reliable recruits from security risks. This is no simple task. Organizations may want to delegate tasks to ideologically extreme individuals. However, ideology is an inherently internal attribute, forcing organizations to instead select on observable characteristics. Consider forgone economic opportunities, for example. Only the most radical individuals would sacrifice a wealthy lifestyle to join a terrorist cause. In contrast, giving up a life of poverty sends little useful information to the organization. Scholars have noted that groups pay poverty wages (Bahney et al 2013), perhaps to discourage less motivated individuals from joining, but the literature has yet to fully address the ramifications of such a signaling mechanism. To better understand the relationship between wealth and terrorism, I develop a model in which organizations delegate sensitive and non-sensitive tasks to recruits, while a third-party attempts to pacify citizens with economic aid. If individuals join the organization, they generally prefer sensitive tasks. In contrast, although the organization believes that commitment to the cause is not critical for non-sensitive tasks, it suffers if a recruit assigned a sensitive task exerts lackluster effort. Thus, the game In 2013, Said Ali al-Shihri, a deputy leader of al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, stopped using standard security measures for phone calls. Correspondingly, American intelligence began tracking him. A drone strike killed him later that year, creating further vulnerability in the organization’s bureaucratic structure. Berman (2009, 14) argues that the devastating consequences of defection restrict the number of functioning terrorist groups to around 40 despite the relatively low economic barriers of entry.
恐怖主义、财富和授权
我开发了一个恐怖组织将任务委托给新兵的模型。该组织希望将敏感任务分配给最可靠的新兵,但无法完全确定对事业的承诺。在平衡状态下,该组织将招聘人员在文职部门的机会的可取性解释为一个可信的信号。当招聘人员有吸引人的选择时,组织会推断他的承诺,并给他一项敏感的任务;当它很低时,组织会保守地给他分配一项非敏感的任务。然后,我扩展了该模型,允许第三方内生地改善平民人口的经济状况。尽管增加了恐怖主义的机会成本,但这种补贴可能会增加暴力,因为它们有助于该组织确定犯罪类型。*匹兹堡大学政治学系助理教授。(williamspaniel@gmail.com,http://williamspaniel.com)。我感谢Mia Bloom、Bruce Bueno de Mesquita、Martha Crenshaw、Mark Fey、Ben Graham、Connor Huff、Bethany Lacina、Alex Lee、Melia Pfannenstiel、Jack Paine、Branislav Slantchev、Andy Summer以及2016 FMIR会议的与会者的评论。与其他类型的政治暴力制造者相比,恐怖分子在日常行动中拥有相当大的自主权(Shapiro和Siegel,2007年;Shapiro,2013年)。对于被选择实施攻击的个人来说,与其他代理的频繁通信有暴露操作或网络的风险。尽管特工可能会收到指挥官的命令,但他们对如何执行这些任务有很大的控制权。懒惰或草率的执行可能会让一个组织崩溃。同样,恐怖组织也必须害怕叛逃。反叛组织可以在失去几个战友后继续存在,而一个叛逃者就可以迫使整个恐怖组织重组、改变下降点、改变现有的袭击计划,并保持停滞状态,直到泄露的信息不再有用。因此,在寻找理想的招聘对象时,组织需要找到不会在第一次行贿时叛逃的人。一般来说,由于恐怖组织面临监控问题(Chai 1993103),他们有很大的动机将可靠的招募人员与安全风险区分开来。这不是一项简单的任务。组织可能希望将任务委托给意识形态极端的个人。然而,意识形态是一种内在的属性,迫使组织选择可观察的特征。例如,考虑一下放弃的经济机会。只有最激进的人才会牺牲富裕的生活方式加入恐怖事业。相比之下,放弃贫穷的生活给组织带来的有用信息很少。学者们注意到,群体支付贫困工资(Bahney等人,2013年),也许是为了阻止动机较低的个人加入,但文献尚未完全解决这种信号机制的后果。为了更好地理解财富与恐怖主义之间的关系,我开发了一个模型,在该模型中,组织将敏感和非敏感任务委托给新兵,而第三方则试图通过经济援助安抚公民。如果个人加入组织,他们通常更喜欢敏感的任务。相比之下,尽管该组织认为,对事业的承诺对于非敏感任务来说并不重要,但如果被分配敏感任务的新兵表现出的努力平平,就会受到影响。因此,游戏在2013年,阿拉伯半岛基地组织的副领导人赛义德·阿里·希赫里停止了对电话使用标准安全措施。相应地,美国情报部门开始追踪他。同年晚些时候,一次无人机袭击导致他死亡,使该组织的官僚结构更加脆弱。Berman(2009,14)认为,尽管进入的经济壁垒相对较低,但叛逃的毁灭性后果将运作中的恐怖组织数量限制在40个左右。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.50
自引率
5.90%
发文量
18
期刊介绍: In the last half-century, social scientists have engaged in a methodologically focused and substantively far-reaching mission to make the study of politics scientific. The mutually reinforcing components in this pursuit are the development of positive theories and the testing of their empirical implications. Although this paradigm has been associated with many advances in the understanding of politics, no leading journal of political science is dedicated primarily to the publication of positive political science.
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