The Russian Minorities in the Former Soviet Republics: Secession, Integration, and the Homeland, by Anna Bata, Routledge, 2022, 234 pp., $128 (hardback), ISBN 9781032070957.

IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES
Juris Pupcenoks
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

This is an ambitious book. It develops a theory of why the same ethnic minority is treated better in some countries than others. It analyzes 11 cases of countries that seceded while especially going in depth in five of them: Ukraine, Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, and Kazakhstan. The book utilizes information from over 100 interviews with government officials, editors of newspapers, academics, and party officials of Russian ethnic parties conducted by the author from 2013–19. The main contribution that this book brings to the literature is its key conceptual finding – that discrimination against the minority group is more likely if it is perceived that the given minority represents a moderate threat to the state. The first two chapters introduce the authors’ framework for this book. Bata opens it with a puzzle focusing on the surprising Russian reaction regarding the treatment of Russophones inUkraine and Kazakhstan: even though the Russian-speakers were relatively more integrated in Ukraine, Russia intervened. Meanwhile, even though discrimination against the Russian-speakers has increased in Kazakhstan over time, there has been no Russian intervention. This timely and vivid example helps Bata to set the scene for her main argument later on – that the effect of threat on ethnic discrimination andmarginalization is not linear – and that discrimination against ethnicminorities is the greatest when they pose a moderate threat to the state and when the kin state is moderately threatening (7). The author argues that in extreme situations when different domestic and international threats are at their highest, governments are likely to be more accommodating to their minorities. More broadly, this book seeks to assess how states treat minority populations after secession and why we see significant differences in how suchminorities are treated across countries and time periods (7). In the second chapter, the book develops an interesting conceptual framework that can be used to analyze treatment of minorities by the government after a secession. It is grounded in social science literature and should be applicable to contexts outside of the post-Soviet sphere as well: for example, when analyzing developments in areas with secessionist movements such as Kashmir or Kurdistan (17). The author identifies several domestic and international variables that aim to explain how a state would treat its minorities. Essential in this framework is the perception of the level of threat that the government sees the given minority (as well as its external kin state) as representing. The perception of threat is measured throughmany different factors including several different variables linked to the perceived threat of secessionism and the kin state’s (in this case, Russia’s) willingness to intervene (57–58). These factors include perceived level of domestic threat that the minority represents, threat of further succession, and international threats. Hypotheses are stated under each of these factors, and they later receive mixed support through the qualitative case studies in the empirical part of the book. The author touches on the role of the external actors (such as the EuropeanUnion) in influencing decision-making aminority treatment, yet the book does not articulate a hypothesis regarding the role of such external actors. The empirical chapters that follow (3–5) are structured around the factors identified in the theoretical part. While they are rich in substance, at times they could offer just a little bit more analysis as opposed to descriptive material. Overall, there is much to like about this book. It utilizes a cross-regional approach, which is underutilized when studying the developments in the post-Soviet space. It articulates a clear research framework and a new theoretical/conceptual insight (discrimination is more likely if
《前苏联共和国的俄罗斯少数民族:分裂、一体化和国土》,Anna Bata著,Routledge,2022,234页,128美元(精装本),ISBN 9781032070957。
这是一本雄心勃勃的书。它发展了一种理论,解释为什么同一少数民族在一些国家比其他国家受到更好的待遇。它分析了11个脱离联邦的国家,特别是其中五个国家:乌克兰、格鲁吉亚、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和哈萨克斯坦。这本书利用了作者在2013-19年间对俄罗斯少数民族政党的政府官员、报纸编辑、学者和政党官员进行的100多次采访中的信息。本书对文献的主要贡献是其关键的概念发现——如果认为特定的少数群体对国家构成适度威胁,那么对少数群体的歧视更有可能。前两章介绍了本书的作者框架。巴塔以一个谜题开场,重点是俄罗斯对乌克兰和哈萨克斯坦对待俄罗斯人的惊人反应:尽管说俄语的人在乌克兰相对更为一体化,但俄罗斯进行了干预。与此同时,尽管随着时间的推移,哈萨克斯坦对讲俄语的人的歧视有所增加,但俄罗斯并没有干预。这个及时而生动的例子帮助巴塔为她后来的主要论点奠定了基础——威胁对种族歧视和边缘化的影响不是线性的——当少数民族对国家构成适度威胁时,以及当亲属国家具有适度威胁时对少数民族的歧视是最大的(7)。作者认为,在极端情况下,当不同的国内和国际威胁达到最高水平时,政府可能会对其少数群体更加宽容。更广泛地说,这本书试图评估各州在分裂后如何对待少数民族人口,以及为什么我们看到不同国家和时间段对待这些少数民族的方式存在显著差异(7)。在第二章中,本书提出了一个有趣的概念框架,可用于分析分裂后政府对少数民族的待遇。它以社会科学文献为基础,也应适用于后苏联时代以外的背景:例如,在分析克什米尔或库尔德斯坦等分离主义运动地区的发展时(17)。作者确定了几个国内和国际变量,旨在解释一个国家将如何对待其少数民族。在这个框架中,至关重要的是政府认为特定少数群体(及其外部亲属)所代表的威胁程度。对威胁的感知是通过许多不同的因素来衡量的,包括与分离主义的感知威胁和亲属国家(在本例中,俄罗斯)干预意愿相关的几个不同变量(57-58)。这些因素包括少数群体所代表的国内威胁程度、进一步继承的威胁以及国际威胁。假设是在每一个因素下陈述的,后来通过本书实证部分的定性案例研究,它们得到了混合支持。作者谈到了外部行为者(如欧盟)在影响决策公平待遇方面的作用,但本书没有阐明关于这些外部行为者作用的假设。以下(3-5)的实证章节是围绕理论部分中确定的因素构建的。虽然它们内容丰富,但有时它们可以提供比描述性材料多一点的分析。总的来说,这本书有很多值得喜欢的地方。它采用了跨区域的方法,而在研究后苏联时代的发展时,这种方法没有得到充分利用。它阐明了一个明确的研究框架和一个新的理论/概念见解(如果
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
16.70%
发文量
137
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