Revolutions: An Insight into a Five Centuries' Trend

IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIAL ISSUES
L. Grinin
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In the second part of the article we highlight some issues related to the theory of revolution, in particular, he defines the types of revolutions starting from religious to modernizing revolutions, and also points some important conditions for the revolutionary outbreak. In conclusion, we consider how and why the revolutions have been increasingly used as a geopolitical weapon. The year 2017 marked not only the hundredth anniversary of the Revolution of 1917, but also the 500 anniversary of the beginning of the Reformation in Germany. We think that it was just the Reformation that produced the onset of modern revolutions in Europe and the world. This explains the title of the article. In its first part we analyze the transformation vectors of revolutions within historical process, in particular, how the social bases, revolutionary ideologies, practices, and applied information technologies have changed over the centuries. While considering these aspects we also consider various points related to the theory of revolution. In the second part we deal with some additional aspects of the theory of revolution. In conclusion, we focus on how and why revolutions have been increasingly used as a geopolitical weapon. Social Evolution & History / September 2018 172 In the present paper there is no opportunity to survey numerous scientific approaches to the definition of revolution. We should note that there is no generally accepted definition and it will hardly ever appear (see Grinin, Issaev, and Korotayev 2016; Grinin and Korotayev 2016). If we regard revolutions as a violent change of regime, we can say that they accompanied political history for many millennia. But such revolutions are mostly characteristic for the polis-type states with regimes oscillating from oligarchic (or tyrannical) toward democratic and then back. Thus, prior to the early modern period the revolutions mostly occurred in the states with political regime less common for the pre-industrial period. From revolutionary perspective the history of some Hellenistic states and Rome may be also presented as a struggle between social and political groups for the distribution of resources and power (see, e.g., Sorokin 1992, 1994; Nefedov 2007). We find something of political and social revolutions (or revolution attempts) in the medieval states (in Italy and some other countries). Social struggle was also observed in the history of some Eastern states but here the attempts to establish a new regime and, figuratively speaking, change ‘a constitution’, were quite infrequent. However, sometimes ther would outbreak a kind of social revolution when socio-economic (distributive) relations were transformed. There also took place devastating uprisings which would sweep away dynasties, as it happened in China. However, with all the abovementioned examples, in ancient times and medieval period there were no revolutions that сould enable societies' advance to a higher stage of social evolution. No doubt, revolutions played a role, but obviously less significant, in development in comparison with wars and other transformations. After revolutions the societies' production basis would not change so their progressive effect was much weaker than in the Modern era. Only starting from the modern period the revolutions became one of the leading driving forces of historical process (see Grinin 1997; Semyonov, Gobozov, and Grinin 2007; Travia and Morgania 2004; Goldstone 1991). Why did it happen? The reason is the transition to a new – industrial – production principle which started in the late fifteenth century (yet, its precursors became evident much earlier; for more details see: Grinin 2006; Grinin L. and Grinin A. 2015; Grinin, Korotayev 2015). Along with changing production pattern it was necessary to transform all other relations, so that a society could give abundant scope for the development of new productive forces. It was the revolutions that provided the break of the relations that hampered development. Thus, in the present article we mostly deal with new-type revolutions which were practically unknown in the history prior to the sixteenth century. We describe them as an extremely important phenomenon in terms of unfolding historical process and as a means to carry out the society's progressive development to increase its economic, cultural, political, and legal level. In other Grinin / Revolutions: An Insight into a Five Centuries' Trend 173 words, here we consider revolutions not just as a means of changing political regime, but also as a means of conflict resolution in the leading societies which already were the mainstream of technological, cultural and political development. Finally, we should note that the increasingly large role of revolutions in historical process was associated not only with the general technological transformations clearly manifested starting from the last third of the fifteenth century, but also with the concurrent breakthrough in information technologies. It is essential that any great revolution or a new wave of revolutions is somehow connected with emerging and essentially new or with improved media. In what follows, we try to trace this trajectory of revolutionary practices (in order to summarize it in the second part of the article). Section 1. EVOLUTION OF THE REVOLUTION 1.1. Early revolutions (the 16–18 centuries) On some preconditions for the revolutionary outbreak. There are a number of preconditions for the outbreak, development and success of a revolution. We can hardly analyze all of them in the present article, all the more so since this is a rather controversial issue. Here we will focus on four conditions which are hardly debated but are closely interrelated. The first precondition is the existence of a relatively new or modified ideology (its distribution may take place already before the revolution or just in its course). In our opinion, a revolution (as distincet from a revolt or insurrection) needs a new or modified ideology that can do more than just unite people (this can be done by protest moods, exacerbated needs and disasters, increasing resentments from oppression and injustice). Ideology can give a more or less clear idea (yet, at the level of rather universal slogans) that a certain political regime is better than the existing one, and to have a better life it is necessary to change (alternate) the latter. The second precondition, as already mentioned, consists in the available information technologies which appear important for many reasons since they serve to spread revolutionary ideology and propaganda and to attract supporters. Thus, according to well-known Lenin's expression, they are both a collective propagandist and a collective organizer. The third important precondition is a high literacy rate since revolutions can hardly occur in societies with 2–3 per cent of literate population and demand a considerable nuber of literate people. The fourth precondition is that since the movements' ideology involves institutional changes in political and social system, the revolutions could repeatedly and regularly occur only in urbanizing society with a certain literacy and cultural level and with intelligentsia already formed as a social group; in other words, in the society with started and developing modernization (on the relationship between Social Evolution & History / September 2018 174 revolution and modernization see Grinin 2013; 2017а; Grinin and Korotayev 2016). All four factors (new ideology, information technology, literacy and certain level of urbanization) are closely interrelated. Besides, we should note that revolutions may occur both in societies with majority or a large share of illiterate population and in a fully literate society. There are no any accurate criteria here. The same refers to urbanization level. But it is interesting to note that great revolutions may take place both in societies with predominant illiterate population (yet, the number of educated must be sufficeient enough, not less than 20–30 per cent) and in completely literate societies. Apparently, those revolutions turned great just because the revolutionary events actively engaged the most of population, i.e., peasantry. Why may we consider the Reformation as the first revolution of the early modern period? By the start of the Reformation all the mentioned and other preconditions for the revolutionary outbreak in Germany and some other countries were evident. The germs of modernization could be also traced. Germany was one of the most advanced countries in Europe in terms of urban development, trade, and industry (especially mining). The European silver originated from the mines of Saxony and Bohemia (Nef 1987: 735) while the mining was highly mechanized (for details see Baks 1986; Grinin 2006; Grinin L. and Grinin A. 2015, Grinin, Korotayev 2015). Not incidentally, printing was invented in Germany as well. Here it makes sense to pay attention to this new and enormously large-scale and powerful information technology which became the most important material basis preparing the religious revolution. As is wellknown, the book printing appeared in the mid-fifteenth century (1445) and quickly spread in Europe. 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引用次数: 3

Abstract

The year 2017 marked not only the hundredth anniversary of the Revolution of 1917, but also the 500 anniversary of the beginning of the Reformation in Germany. It was just the Reformation that gave start to modern revolutions in Europe and the world. In the first part of the article we analyze the course of transformation of revolutions within historical process, in particular, how their world-historical role, the social bases, revolutionary ideologies, practices, and information technologies they applied have changed over the centuries. Then we show the important changes that occurred in revolutionary practice and the very understanding of the essence of revolution due to great revolutions. In the second part of the article we highlight some issues related to the theory of revolution, in particular, he defines the types of revolutions starting from religious to modernizing revolutions, and also points some important conditions for the revolutionary outbreak. In conclusion, we consider how and why the revolutions have been increasingly used as a geopolitical weapon. The year 2017 marked not only the hundredth anniversary of the Revolution of 1917, but also the 500 anniversary of the beginning of the Reformation in Germany. We think that it was just the Reformation that produced the onset of modern revolutions in Europe and the world. This explains the title of the article. In its first part we analyze the transformation vectors of revolutions within historical process, in particular, how the social bases, revolutionary ideologies, practices, and applied information technologies have changed over the centuries. While considering these aspects we also consider various points related to the theory of revolution. In the second part we deal with some additional aspects of the theory of revolution. In conclusion, we focus on how and why revolutions have been increasingly used as a geopolitical weapon. Social Evolution & History / September 2018 172 In the present paper there is no opportunity to survey numerous scientific approaches to the definition of revolution. We should note that there is no generally accepted definition and it will hardly ever appear (see Grinin, Issaev, and Korotayev 2016; Grinin and Korotayev 2016). If we regard revolutions as a violent change of regime, we can say that they accompanied political history for many millennia. But such revolutions are mostly characteristic for the polis-type states with regimes oscillating from oligarchic (or tyrannical) toward democratic and then back. Thus, prior to the early modern period the revolutions mostly occurred in the states with political regime less common for the pre-industrial period. From revolutionary perspective the history of some Hellenistic states and Rome may be also presented as a struggle between social and political groups for the distribution of resources and power (see, e.g., Sorokin 1992, 1994; Nefedov 2007). We find something of political and social revolutions (or revolution attempts) in the medieval states (in Italy and some other countries). Social struggle was also observed in the history of some Eastern states but here the attempts to establish a new regime and, figuratively speaking, change ‘a constitution’, were quite infrequent. However, sometimes ther would outbreak a kind of social revolution when socio-economic (distributive) relations were transformed. There also took place devastating uprisings which would sweep away dynasties, as it happened in China. However, with all the abovementioned examples, in ancient times and medieval period there were no revolutions that сould enable societies' advance to a higher stage of social evolution. No doubt, revolutions played a role, but obviously less significant, in development in comparison with wars and other transformations. After revolutions the societies' production basis would not change so their progressive effect was much weaker than in the Modern era. Only starting from the modern period the revolutions became one of the leading driving forces of historical process (see Grinin 1997; Semyonov, Gobozov, and Grinin 2007; Travia and Morgania 2004; Goldstone 1991). Why did it happen? The reason is the transition to a new – industrial – production principle which started in the late fifteenth century (yet, its precursors became evident much earlier; for more details see: Grinin 2006; Grinin L. and Grinin A. 2015; Grinin, Korotayev 2015). Along with changing production pattern it was necessary to transform all other relations, so that a society could give abundant scope for the development of new productive forces. It was the revolutions that provided the break of the relations that hampered development. Thus, in the present article we mostly deal with new-type revolutions which were practically unknown in the history prior to the sixteenth century. We describe them as an extremely important phenomenon in terms of unfolding historical process and as a means to carry out the society's progressive development to increase its economic, cultural, political, and legal level. In other Grinin / Revolutions: An Insight into a Five Centuries' Trend 173 words, here we consider revolutions not just as a means of changing political regime, but also as a means of conflict resolution in the leading societies which already were the mainstream of technological, cultural and political development. Finally, we should note that the increasingly large role of revolutions in historical process was associated not only with the general technological transformations clearly manifested starting from the last third of the fifteenth century, but also with the concurrent breakthrough in information technologies. It is essential that any great revolution or a new wave of revolutions is somehow connected with emerging and essentially new or with improved media. In what follows, we try to trace this trajectory of revolutionary practices (in order to summarize it in the second part of the article). Section 1. EVOLUTION OF THE REVOLUTION 1.1. Early revolutions (the 16–18 centuries) On some preconditions for the revolutionary outbreak. There are a number of preconditions for the outbreak, development and success of a revolution. We can hardly analyze all of them in the present article, all the more so since this is a rather controversial issue. Here we will focus on four conditions which are hardly debated but are closely interrelated. The first precondition is the existence of a relatively new or modified ideology (its distribution may take place already before the revolution or just in its course). In our opinion, a revolution (as distincet from a revolt or insurrection) needs a new or modified ideology that can do more than just unite people (this can be done by protest moods, exacerbated needs and disasters, increasing resentments from oppression and injustice). Ideology can give a more or less clear idea (yet, at the level of rather universal slogans) that a certain political regime is better than the existing one, and to have a better life it is necessary to change (alternate) the latter. The second precondition, as already mentioned, consists in the available information technologies which appear important for many reasons since they serve to spread revolutionary ideology and propaganda and to attract supporters. Thus, according to well-known Lenin's expression, they are both a collective propagandist and a collective organizer. The third important precondition is a high literacy rate since revolutions can hardly occur in societies with 2–3 per cent of literate population and demand a considerable nuber of literate people. The fourth precondition is that since the movements' ideology involves institutional changes in political and social system, the revolutions could repeatedly and regularly occur only in urbanizing society with a certain literacy and cultural level and with intelligentsia already formed as a social group; in other words, in the society with started and developing modernization (on the relationship between Social Evolution & History / September 2018 174 revolution and modernization see Grinin 2013; 2017а; Grinin and Korotayev 2016). All four factors (new ideology, information technology, literacy and certain level of urbanization) are closely interrelated. Besides, we should note that revolutions may occur both in societies with majority or a large share of illiterate population and in a fully literate society. There are no any accurate criteria here. The same refers to urbanization level. But it is interesting to note that great revolutions may take place both in societies with predominant illiterate population (yet, the number of educated must be sufficeient enough, not less than 20–30 per cent) and in completely literate societies. Apparently, those revolutions turned great just because the revolutionary events actively engaged the most of population, i.e., peasantry. Why may we consider the Reformation as the first revolution of the early modern period? By the start of the Reformation all the mentioned and other preconditions for the revolutionary outbreak in Germany and some other countries were evident. The germs of modernization could be also traced. Germany was one of the most advanced countries in Europe in terms of urban development, trade, and industry (especially mining). The European silver originated from the mines of Saxony and Bohemia (Nef 1987: 735) while the mining was highly mechanized (for details see Baks 1986; Grinin 2006; Grinin L. and Grinin A. 2015, Grinin, Korotayev 2015). Not incidentally, printing was invented in Germany as well. Here it makes sense to pay attention to this new and enormously large-scale and powerful information technology which became the most important material basis preparing the religious revolution. As is wellknown, the book printing appeared in the mid-fifteenth century (1445) and quickly spread in Europe. In the fifteenth century criti
革命:对五个世纪趋势的洞察
2017年不仅是1917年革命100周年,也是德国宗教改革开始500周年。正是宗教改革开始了欧洲和世界的现代革命。在文章的第一部分,我们分析了革命在历史进程中的转化过程,特别是革命的世界历史角色、社会基础、革命意识形态、革命实践和革命所使用的信息技术在几个世纪以来是如何变化的。然后,我们展示了革命实践中发生的重要变化,以及由于大革命而对革命本质的理解。在文章的第二部分,我们强调了与革命理论有关的一些问题,特别是他对从宗教革命到现代化革命的革命类型进行了界定,并指出了革命爆发的一些重要条件。总之,我们考虑了革命如何以及为什么越来越多地被用作地缘政治武器。2017年不仅是1917年革命100周年,也是德国宗教改革开始500周年。我们认为正是宗教改革引发了欧洲和世界的现代革命。这就解释了文章的标题。在第一部分中,我们分析了历史进程中革命的转化载体,特别是几个世纪以来社会基础、革命意识形态、实践和应用信息技术是如何变化的。在考虑这些方面的同时,我们也考虑到与革命理论有关的各个方面。在第二部分,我们讨论革命理论的一些附加方面。总之,我们关注革命如何以及为什么越来越多地被用作地缘政治武器。社会进化与历史/ 2018年9月172在本文中,没有机会调查革命定义的许多科学方法。我们应该注意到,没有一个普遍接受的定义,它几乎不会出现(见Grinin, Issaev, and Korotayev 2016;Grinin and Korotayev 2016)。如果我们把革命看作是一种暴力的政权更迭,我们可以说革命伴随着政治史几千年。但这些革命大多是政治型国家的特征,政权从寡头(或专制)走向民主,然后又回到民主。因此,在近代早期之前,革命大多发生在前工业化时期政治制度不那么普遍的国家。从革命的角度来看,一些希腊化国家和罗马的历史也可能被呈现为社会和政治团体之间为资源和权力分配而进行的斗争(参见,例如,Sorokin 1992,1994;Nefedov 2007)。我们在中世纪国家(意大利和其他一些国家)发现了一些政治和社会革命(或革命企图)。在一些东方国家的历史上也观察到社会斗争,但在这里,建立新政权的尝试,形象地说,改变“宪法”,是相当罕见的。然而,当社会经济(分配)关系发生转变时,有时会爆发一种社会革命。也发生了毁灭性的起义,推翻了王朝,就像在中国发生的那样。然而,通过上述所有的例子,在古代和中世纪时期,没有革命能够使社会进步到社会进化的更高阶段。毫无疑问,与战争和其他变革相比,革命在发展中发挥了作用,但显然没有那么重要。革命后社会的生产基础不会发生变化,因此革命的进步作用比近代弱得多。只有从现代开始,革命才成为历史进程的主要驱动力之一(见Grinin 1997;Semyonov, Gobozov, and Grinin 2007;Travia and Morgania 2004;戈德斯通1991)。为什么会这样呢?原因是15世纪后期开始向一种新的工业生产原则过渡(然而,它的先驱在更早的时候就显现出来了;欲了解更多详情,请参阅:Grinin 2006;Grinin L.和Grinin A. 2015;Grinin, Korotayev 2015)。在改变生产方式的同时,必须改变其他一切关系,使社会能够为新的生产力的发展提供广阔的空间。正是革命打破了阻碍发展的关系。因此,在本文中,我们主要讨论的是在16世纪以前的历史上几乎闻所未闻的新型革命。 我们将其描述为展开历史进程的一种极其重要的现象,并将其描述为实现社会渐进式发展以提高其经济,文化,政治和法律水平的手段。在另一篇文章中,我们认为革命不仅是一种改变政治制度的手段,也是一种解决主要社会冲突的手段,这些社会已经成为技术、文化和政治发展的主流。最后,我们应该注意到,革命在历史进程中日益重要的作用不仅与15世纪最后三分之一开始的普遍技术变革有关,而且与信息技术的同时突破有关。重要的是,任何伟大的革命或新的革命浪潮都与新兴的、本质上是新的或改进的媒体有某种联系。在接下来的文章中,我们试图追溯革命实践的轨迹(以便在文章的第二部分进行总结)。第一节。革命的演变1.1。早期革命(16-18世纪)论革命爆发的一些先决条件。革命的爆发、发展和成功有若干先决条件。由于这是一个颇有争议的问题,我们很难在本文中分析所有这些问题。在这里,我们将集中讨论四个几乎没有辩论但又密切相关的条件。第一个先决条件是存在一种相对较新的或经过修正的意识形态(它的分布可能在革命前就已经发生,也可能就在革命过程中)。在我们看来,一场革命(不同于反抗或暴动)需要一种新的或改良的意识形态,这种意识形态不仅仅是团结人民(这可以通过抗议情绪、加剧需求和灾难、增加对压迫和不公正的怨恨来实现)。意识形态可以或多或少地给出一个清晰的概念(然而,在相当普遍的口号层面上),即某种政治制度比现有的制度更好,为了过上更好的生活,必须改变(替代)后者。如前所述,第二个先决条件是现有的信息技术,由于许多原因,这些技术显得很重要,因为它们有助于传播革命意识形态和宣传并吸引支持者。因此,按照列宁的名言,他们既是集体的宣传者,又是集体的组织者。第三个重要的先决条件是高识字率,因为在有2 - 3%识字人口的社会中,革命几乎不可能发生,需要相当数量的识字人口。第四个前提是,由于运动的意识形态涉及政治和社会制度的制度性变化,革命只有在具有一定识字和文化水平的城市化社会中,并且知识分子作为一个社会群体已经形成,才有可能反复和规律地发生;换句话说,在开始和发展现代化的社会中(关于社会进化与历史的关系/ 2018年9月174革命与现代化见Grinin 2013;2017а;Grinin and Korotayev 2016)。这四个因素(新意识形态、信息技术、文化和一定程度的城市化)是密切相关的。此外,我们应该注意到,在文盲占多数或大部分的社会里,和在完全有文化的社会里,革命都可能发生。这里没有任何准确的标准。城市化水平也是如此。但有趣的是,在文盲占多数的社会(但受教育的人数必须足够,不低于百分之二十至三十)和完全有文化的社会,都可能发生伟大的革命。显然,这些革命之所以伟大,只是因为革命事件积极地吸引了大多数人口,即农民。为什么我们可以认为宗教改革是近代早期的第一次革命?宗教改革开始时,德国和其他一些国家爆发革命的所有上述和其他先决条件都是显而易见的。现代化的萌芽也可以找到。在城市发展、贸易和工业(尤其是采矿业)方面,德国是欧洲最先进的国家之一。欧洲的银来自萨克森和波西米亚的矿山(Nef 1987: 735),而采矿是高度机械化的(详情见Baks 1986;Grinin 2006;Grinin L. and Grinin A. 2015; Grinin, Korotayev 2015)。印刷术也是在德国发明的,这并非偶然。在这里,有必要关注这种新的、大规模的、强大的信息技术,它成为准备宗教革命的最重要的物质基础。 众所周知,图书印刷术出现于15世纪中期(1445年),并迅速在欧洲传播开来。在十五世纪的批评中
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自引率
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