Modern Challenges to Effective Functioning of Local Self-Government (On the Example of Saint Petersburg)

V. A. Semenov, V. V. Ereshkin
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New actors and leaders, were able to organize a collective, turbulently increasing action against the government, which immediately after the end of the protests, mobilized the protest mood of the electorate, which in the elections in 2017, 2019 in Moscow, 2019 in St. Petersburg held in local government in Moscow and St. Petersburg “independent” municipal deputies from the territorial executive government in representative bodies of local government, thereby creating pockets of political and social tension. An important aspect of the political struggle for the degree of influence on political stability, namely the change of power in the municipalities of Svetlanovskoye, Smolninskoye, Ligovka-Yamskoye, Liteiniy District, Vladimirskiy District of St. Petersburg, was the result of an intraparty struggle in the power structures. 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The pluralism of opinions that emerged in local government became particularly important, since without agreement for decision-making the work of representative bodies of local government was impossible, and consequently the exercise of the constitutional rights of citizens to exercise local government and the legitimate functioning of local government in addressing issues of local importance and the execution of certain state powers was impossible. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

    In recent history the concept of “public authority” was collective and was not fixed in legislative and normative-legal acts. Under the Law of the Russian Federation on amendment of the Constitution of the Russian Federation dated 14.03.2020 № 1-FCL “On improvement of regulation of separate issues of organization and functioning of public authorities” local self-government bodies were eferred to public authorities. According to Article 132 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation “Local self-government bodies and public authorities are part of a unified system of public authority in the Russian Federation and interact to most effectively solve problems in the interests of the population living in the respective territory. Article 35.1 of Federal Law № 131-FL of 06.10.2003 “On General Principles of Organization of Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation” gives elected deputies of a municipal representative body the right to form political factions for the exercise of their powers. The activities of such factions are established and legitimized by a normative legal act of the municipality. As a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and emergence of the Russian Federation, proc-lamation of democratic values and democratization of society, political parties and other public organizations began to appear. New actors and leaders, were able to organize a collective, turbulently increasing action against the government, which immediately after the end of the protests, mobilized the protest mood of the electorate, which in the elections in 2017, 2019 in Moscow, 2019 in St. Petersburg held in local government in Moscow and St. Petersburg “independent” municipal deputies from the territorial executive government in representative bodies of local government, thereby creating pockets of political and social tension. An important aspect of the political struggle for the degree of influence on political stability, namely the change of power in the municipalities of Svetlanovskoye, Smolninskoye, Ligovka-Yamskoye, Liteiniy District, Vladimirskiy District of St. Petersburg, was the result of an intraparty struggle in the power structures. The intraparty struggle between the executive and legislative branches of power for the degree of territorial influence in St. Petersburg is a characteristic feature of federal cities, with their elites constantly fighting for the maximum concentration of power in their hands. As a result of the insufficient control of the electoral process by the territorial executive bodies of state power in St. Petersburg, an additional opportunity for opposition forces to exercise sufficient quality control of the electoral process for compliance with legislative requirements. As a result of this situation, the representative bodies were formed by independent non-systemic deputies. The pluralism of opinions that emerged in local government became particularly important, since without agreement for decision-making the work of representative bodies of local government was impossible, and consequently the exercise of the constitutional rights of citizens to exercise local government and the legitimate functioning of local government in addressing issues of local importance and the execution of certain state powers was impossible. The existence in the legal field of an internally highly conflictual representative body generates social tension in society, political destabilization and, as a consequence, a general distrust of public authorities in general, since public authorities are directly involved in the formation of local government in St. Petersburg, where the execution of local government authority is associated with such features as a high level of education of citizens, population density, the degree of involvement in electoral processes In 2015, an additional procedure for recruiting heads of municipalities was introduced - the selection of candidates for the post of head by a competitive commission, where half of the commission’s members should be representatives of regional authorities. It was expected that in this way the selection of heads of municipalities would become more controlled. In 2020, the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation consolidated the “incorporation” of the local level into the system of state (public) power, finally depriving municipal authorities of formal autonomy from the state.   The purpose of the article is to establish the causes of incapacity of the representative body of local government of St. Petersburg after the municipal elections of 2019, the search for possible ways to create conditions for further functioning of the municipality in the new conditions of pluralism of opinions among the new convocation of municipal deputies, the study of the causes of the created situation, the search and proposal of possible ways to solve the issue of adaptation of the representative body to the new conditions of functioning.   Based on the research conducted, the authors declare the necessity to take measures to respond to the public authorities aimed at finding opportunities and creating conditions for the performance of powers by the representative body, deputies and heads of the municipality in the new conditions of functioning of local self-government.
地方自治有效运作的现代挑战(以圣彼得堡为例)
在近代史上,“公共权力”的概念是集体的,并没有固定在立法和规范性法律行为中。根据2020年3月14日《俄罗斯联邦宪法修正法》№ 1-FCL“关于改进对公共当局组织和运作的单独问题的监管”地方自治机构被提及公共当局。根据《俄罗斯联邦宪法》第132条,“地方自治机构和公共当局是俄罗斯联邦统一公共当局体系的一部分,相互作用,以最有效地解决生活在各自领土上的人民的利益问题№ 2003年10月6日第131-FL号《关于俄罗斯联邦地方自治组织的一般原则》赋予市代表机构的民选代表组建政治派别行使权力的权利。这些派别的活动是由市政府的一项规范性法令确立并合法化的。由于苏联的解体和俄罗斯联邦的出现,民主价值观的宣言和社会、政党和其他公共组织的民主化开始出现。新的行动者和领导人能够组织一场集体的、不断增加的反对政府的行动,抗议活动结束后,政府立即动员了选民的抗议情绪,在2017年、2019年莫斯科、2019年圣彼得堡的选举中,莫斯科和圣彼得堡的地方政府都举行了抗议活动。彼得堡在地方政府的代表机构中“独立”了来自领土执行政府的市政代表,从而制造了一些政治和社会紧张局势。关于对政治稳定的影响程度的政治斗争的一个重要方面,即圣彼得堡斯维特拉诺夫斯科耶、斯莫尔宁斯科耶、利戈夫卡·亚姆斯科耶、利特尼区和弗拉迪米尔斯基区的权力更迭,是权力结构中党内斗争的结果。圣彼得堡行政和立法权力部门之间为争夺领土影响力而进行的党内斗争是联邦城市的一个特点,其精英不断为权力的最大集中而斗争。由于圣彼得堡国家权力的领土执行机构对选举进程的控制不足,反对派武装有更多机会对选举进程进行充分的质量控制,以遵守立法要求。由于这种情况,代表机构由独立的非系统性代表组成。地方政府中出现的意见多元化变得尤为重要,因为如果没有决策协议,地方政府代表机构的工作是不可能的,因此,公民行使宪法赋予的行使地方政府的权利以及地方政府在解决地方重要问题和执行某些国家权力方面的合法运作是不可能的。一个内部高度冲突的代表机构在法律领域的存在造成了社会紧张、政治不稳定,并因此导致了对公共当局的普遍不信任,因为公共当局直接参与了圣彼得堡地方政府的组建,地方政府权力的执行与公民的高教育水平、人口密度、参与选举进程的程度等特征有关。2015年,引入了一项额外的市政局长招聘程序——由竞争委员会挑选市长候选人,委员会的一半成员应该是地区当局的代表。人们预计,通过这种方式,市政府首脑的选拔将变得更加可控。2020年,俄罗斯联邦宪法修正案将地方一级“纳入”国家(公共)权力体系,最终剥夺了市政当局与国家的正式自治权。这篇文章的目的是确定圣彼得堡地方政府代表机构在2019年市政选举后丧失能力的原因,寻找可能的方法,在新的市政代表会议意见多元化的新条件下,为市政府的进一步运作创造条件,研究造成这种局面的原因,寻求并提出解决代表机构适应新的运作条件问题的可能途径。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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