Sectarian Identity and Mobilization Amongst the Druze: How Do Sectarian Minorities Respond to Religious Terrorism?

IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Hadikusuma Wahab
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Abstract

ABSTRACT Taking its point of departure in the sectarian dynamics in the Middle East, namely the Sunni–Shiʿa schism that is taking the largest share in the current debates, this article studies sectarian identity and religious terrorism against the Druze minority during Syria’s sect-coded civil war. It argues that while religion can act as a mobilizational tool and marker of group solidarity amongst Druze as well as amongst Sunni and Shiʿa, the Druze did not instrumentalize sectarian identity to implement their geopolitical agenda. Rather, for far too long the Druze used sectarian identity as a defense mechanism to unite against violent motifs and actions by the sectarian “other.” The latter, for our purposes, happens to be Sunni jihadist groups such as Daesh (The Islamic State or ISIS) and Jabhat al-Nusra (JAN). Further, Druze is not a tabshiri sect. Put it another way, it is a sectarian minority that prevents conversions. Therefore, for the Druze, sectarian identity had always been a marker of group solidarity only. This article brings to the fore the response of sectarian minorities to religious terrorism following the Arab Uprisings era, and stresses that sectarian mobilization has parallel means but not always similar ends.
德鲁伊教中的宗派身份和动员:宗派少数群体如何应对宗教恐怖主义?
摘要本文以中东地区宗派主义动态,即逊尼派-什叶派分裂为出发点,研究叙利亚宗派内战期间针对德鲁兹少数民族的宗派认同和宗教恐怖主义。它认为,虽然宗教可以作为德鲁兹人以及逊尼派和什叶派群体团结的动员工具和标志,但德鲁兹人并没有利用教派身份来实施他们的地缘政治议程。相反,长久以来,德鲁兹派一直将宗派身份作为防御机制,团结起来反对宗派“他者”的暴力主题和行动。就我们而言,后者恰好是逊尼派圣战组织,如伊斯兰国(Daesh)和努斯拉圣战组织(Jabhat al-Nusra)。此外,德鲁兹并不是一个禁忌派。换言之,是宗派少数派阻止了皈依。因此,对于德鲁兹人来说,教派身份一直只是群体团结的标志。这篇文章突出了阿拉伯起义时代后教派少数群体对宗教恐怖主义的反应,并强调教派动员有平行的手段,但并不总是相似的目的。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
5.60
自引率
8.30%
发文量
87
期刊介绍: Terrorism and Political Violence advances scholarship on a broad range of issues associated with terrorism and political violence, including subjects such as: the political meaning of terrorist activity, violence by rebels and by states, the links between political violence and organized crime, protest, rebellion, revolution, the influence of social networks, and the impact on human rights. The journal draws upon many disciplines and theoretical perspectives as well as comparative approaches to provide some of the most groundbreaking work in a field that has hitherto lacked rigour. Terrorism and Political Violence features symposia and edited volumes to cover an important topic in depth. Subjects have included: terrorism and public policy; religion and violence; political parties and terrorism; technology and terrorism; and right-wing terrorism. The journal is essential reading for all academics, decision-makers, and security specialists concerned with understanding political violence.
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