Interpreting the eventive copula 做 tso3 in Taiwanese Southern Min

Abstract

This paper proposes an eventive copula 做 tso3 in contrast with the stative copula 是 si7 in Taiwanese Southern Min. The eventive copula 做 tso3 can be established on syntactic grounds. It can occur in copular small clauses on purposive phrases c-selected by distinct types of matrix verbs. The eventive copula 做 tso3 and the stative copula 是 si7 are in complementary distribution. Furthermore, due to its eventive nature the copula 做 tso3 is compatible with experiential and progressive aspect markers and durative time adverbs. Nevertheless, unlike the stative copular 是 si7 , the eventive 做 tso3 cannot function as a focus marker. In addition, the eventive copula 做 tso3 rather than its stative counterpart 是 si7 is limited to predicational clauses only.