{"title":"Centuries of Exploitation in the Coalfields of Appalachia","authors":"Aysha Bodenhamer","doi":"10.1177/10482911211055472","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In her book, Digging Their Own Graves, Barbara Ellen Smith provides a meticulously researched and detailed account of Appalachian coal miners and their experiences with black lung disease. Starting with the discovery of the disease in 1831, Smith works her way through the contentious medicalization of black lung over the last two centuries. Black lung, formally known as coal workers’ pneumoconiosis (CWP), is a debilitating and fatal lung disease caused by chronic exposure to coal dust. The disease has plagued Appalachian coal miners and their families for centuries. Smith emphasizes that black lung is not simply a medical issue, but rather, involves an intricate web of bureaucracy, power, politics, and class. Even as the stranglehold of the coal industry in Appalachia slowly comes to a close, the legacy of black lung will remain for generations to come. Coal miners have long been aware of the health effects of black lung, made apparent by their recurrent heavy coughing fits and thick black sputum. One miner, Gary Hairston, shared a story about coughing so hard he spit up pieces of his own lung. Nonetheless, physicians were slow to acknowledge black lung as a legitimate disease, largely because of their fealty to company influence. While first “discovered” by Dr. James Gregory, a Scottish physician, in 1831, black lung was not recognized in the United States until 1869, roughly three decades later. Even after the initial discovery of disease, it was another century before regulations were established and miners began to be compensated for their illness. Smith points out that “Even as they shaped the production of death and disease, coal companies sought to control the definition and treatment of medical problems” (p. 27). The battle to protect miners in the mines and compensate them for their occupational illness continued for decades to come. The coal industry established total control in the coalfields of Appalachia in the early 1900s. They were able to do this by recruiting new immigrants to the isolated coalfields of central Appalachia, paying them in scrip, a nonlegal tender, and making them live in company-owned towns. The work was gruesome and dangerous, leading to the deaths of more than 45,000 miners between 1906-1935 (p. 27). This mono-economy secured the power and authority of the coal industry and warded off unionization for decades. The struggle to unionize in central Appalachia is perhaps one of the most notable labor histories in the United States. It took miners two decades of bitter, armed conflicts in the coal towns before miners began unionizing en masse in 1933. These bloody battles were fought at Matewan, Paint Creek, and Blair Mountain during the 1910s and 1920s, marking the largest armed insurrection in U.S. history. Miners prevailed, and by 1934, there were more than 400,000 miners enlisted in the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA). While strong unionization certainly helped regain some semblance of power among the rank-and-file miners, mechanization of the mines, particularly the introduction of the continuous miner, radically reshaped coal mining and the UMWA itself. Mechanization in the mines did three things, 1) it increased the amount of dust in the mines, 2) it deskilled coal mining and led to massive layoffs, 3) it reshaped the UMWA to favor productivity over worker safety. Despite successful unionization, miners were still falling ill due to the lack of preventative measures. Surprisingly, the UMWA did little to prevent black lung. Instead, the focus was on gaining compensation for miners for work-related illness. It was not until the Farmington Mine Disaster killed 78 workers on November 20, 1968 that miners were once again led to a surge of action and, ultimately, the birth of the historic black lung movement. Smith asserts, “The righteous anger that infused the black lung movement was rooted in miners’ experiences as workers in the post-war years, a time of deteriorating working conditions, rising dust levels, insecure jobs, and rank-and-file powerlessness” (p. 153). The black lung movement held more significance for miners than simply creating better prevention programs. More so, it was about getting what they felt they “were due” for the years of exploitation they experienced in the mines. Despite efforts to prevent black lung in the 19 century, it was the Farmington mine disaster that became a catalyst for massive regulatory change in the mines. More than 40,000 Book Review","PeriodicalId":45586,"journal":{"name":"New Solutions-A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy","volume":"31 1","pages":"487 - 488"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8000,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"New Solutions-A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10482911211055472","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"PUBLIC, ENVIRONMENTAL & OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
In her book, Digging Their Own Graves, Barbara Ellen Smith provides a meticulously researched and detailed account of Appalachian coal miners and their experiences with black lung disease. Starting with the discovery of the disease in 1831, Smith works her way through the contentious medicalization of black lung over the last two centuries. Black lung, formally known as coal workers’ pneumoconiosis (CWP), is a debilitating and fatal lung disease caused by chronic exposure to coal dust. The disease has plagued Appalachian coal miners and their families for centuries. Smith emphasizes that black lung is not simply a medical issue, but rather, involves an intricate web of bureaucracy, power, politics, and class. Even as the stranglehold of the coal industry in Appalachia slowly comes to a close, the legacy of black lung will remain for generations to come. Coal miners have long been aware of the health effects of black lung, made apparent by their recurrent heavy coughing fits and thick black sputum. One miner, Gary Hairston, shared a story about coughing so hard he spit up pieces of his own lung. Nonetheless, physicians were slow to acknowledge black lung as a legitimate disease, largely because of their fealty to company influence. While first “discovered” by Dr. James Gregory, a Scottish physician, in 1831, black lung was not recognized in the United States until 1869, roughly three decades later. Even after the initial discovery of disease, it was another century before regulations were established and miners began to be compensated for their illness. Smith points out that “Even as they shaped the production of death and disease, coal companies sought to control the definition and treatment of medical problems” (p. 27). The battle to protect miners in the mines and compensate them for their occupational illness continued for decades to come. The coal industry established total control in the coalfields of Appalachia in the early 1900s. They were able to do this by recruiting new immigrants to the isolated coalfields of central Appalachia, paying them in scrip, a nonlegal tender, and making them live in company-owned towns. The work was gruesome and dangerous, leading to the deaths of more than 45,000 miners between 1906-1935 (p. 27). This mono-economy secured the power and authority of the coal industry and warded off unionization for decades. The struggle to unionize in central Appalachia is perhaps one of the most notable labor histories in the United States. It took miners two decades of bitter, armed conflicts in the coal towns before miners began unionizing en masse in 1933. These bloody battles were fought at Matewan, Paint Creek, and Blair Mountain during the 1910s and 1920s, marking the largest armed insurrection in U.S. history. Miners prevailed, and by 1934, there were more than 400,000 miners enlisted in the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA). While strong unionization certainly helped regain some semblance of power among the rank-and-file miners, mechanization of the mines, particularly the introduction of the continuous miner, radically reshaped coal mining and the UMWA itself. Mechanization in the mines did three things, 1) it increased the amount of dust in the mines, 2) it deskilled coal mining and led to massive layoffs, 3) it reshaped the UMWA to favor productivity over worker safety. Despite successful unionization, miners were still falling ill due to the lack of preventative measures. Surprisingly, the UMWA did little to prevent black lung. Instead, the focus was on gaining compensation for miners for work-related illness. It was not until the Farmington Mine Disaster killed 78 workers on November 20, 1968 that miners were once again led to a surge of action and, ultimately, the birth of the historic black lung movement. Smith asserts, “The righteous anger that infused the black lung movement was rooted in miners’ experiences as workers in the post-war years, a time of deteriorating working conditions, rising dust levels, insecure jobs, and rank-and-file powerlessness” (p. 153). The black lung movement held more significance for miners than simply creating better prevention programs. More so, it was about getting what they felt they “were due” for the years of exploitation they experienced in the mines. Despite efforts to prevent black lung in the 19 century, it was the Farmington mine disaster that became a catalyst for massive regulatory change in the mines. More than 40,000 Book Review
Barbara Ellen Smith在她的《挖掘自己的坟墓》一书中,对阿巴拉契亚煤矿工人及其患黑肺病的经历进行了仔细研究和详细描述。从1831年发现这种疾病开始,史密斯在过去的两个世纪里一直致力于有争议的黑肺医学治疗。黑肺病,正式名称为煤工尘肺(CWP),是一种由长期接触煤尘引起的使人衰弱和致命的肺部疾病。这种疾病已经困扰阿巴拉契亚煤矿工人及其家人好几个世纪了。史密斯强调,黑肺病不仅仅是一个医学问题,而是一个复杂的官僚、权力、政治和阶级网络。即使阿巴拉契亚煤炭工业的束缚慢慢结束,黑肺病的遗产仍将代代相传。煤矿工人早就意识到黑肺对健康的影响,他们反复剧烈咳嗽和浓稠的黑痰就很明显。一位名叫加里·海尔斯顿的矿工分享了一个故事,他咳嗽得厉害,吐出了自己的肺碎片。尽管如此,医生们迟迟没有承认黑肺病是一种合法的疾病,这主要是因为他们忠于公司的影响力。1831年,苏格兰医生詹姆斯·格雷戈里博士首次“发现”了黑肺,但直到大约30年后的1869年,黑肺才在美国被发现。即使在最初发现疾病之后,又过了一个世纪,法规才得以制定,矿工们的疾病才开始得到补偿。史密斯指出,“即使煤炭公司塑造了死亡和疾病的生产,他们也试图控制医疗问题的定义和治疗”(第27页)。保护煤矿矿工和补偿他们职业病的斗争将持续几十年。煤炭工业在20世纪初建立了对阿巴拉契亚煤田的全面控制。他们之所以能够做到这一点,是因为他们招募新移民到阿巴拉契亚中部与世隔绝的煤田,用非法律投标的代金券支付,并让他们住在公司所有的城镇。这项工作既可怕又危险,导致1906-1935年间45000多名矿工死亡(第27页)。这种单一经济确保了煤炭行业的权力和权威,并在几十年内阻止了工会化。阿巴拉契亚中部的工会斗争可能是美国最著名的劳工历史之一。矿工们在煤矿镇经历了20年的激烈武装冲突后,于1933年开始集体成立工会。这些血腥的战斗发生在1910年代和1920年代的马特万、油漆溪和布莱尔山,标志着美国历史上最大的武装暴动。矿工占了上风,到1934年,美国矿工联合会(UMWA)招募了40多万名矿工。虽然强大的工会化无疑有助于在普通矿工中重新获得一些权力,但矿山的机械化,特别是连续式矿工的引入,从根本上重塑了煤矿开采和UMWA本身。矿山的机械化做了三件事,1)它增加了矿山的灰尘量,2)它取消了煤矿的开采并导致了大规模裁员,3)它重塑了UMWA,使其有利于生产力而非工人安全。尽管成功地成立了工会,但由于缺乏预防措施,矿工们仍在生病。令人惊讶的是,UMWA在预防黑肺方面几乎没有起到什么作用。相反,重点是为矿工争取与工作相关的疾病补偿。直到1968年11月20日法明顿矿难导致78名工人死亡,矿工们才再次被引导采取行动,并最终诞生了历史性的黑肺运动。史密斯断言,“注入黑肺运动的正义愤怒植根于矿工在战后几年作为工人的经历,当时的工作条件不断恶化,灰尘水平不断上升,工作不安全,普通民众无能为力”(第153页)。黑肺运动对矿工来说意义更大,而不仅仅是制定更好的预防计划。更重要的是,这是为了获得他们在矿山经历的多年开采所应得的东西。尽管19世纪曾努力防止黑肺病,但法明顿矿难却成为了矿山大规模监管变革的催化剂。40000多篇书评
期刊介绍:
New Solutions delivers authoritative responses to perplexing problems, with a worker’s voice, an activist’s commitment, a scientist’s approach, and a policy-maker’s experience. New Solutions explores the growing, changing common ground at the intersection of health, work, and the environment. The Journal makes plain how the issues in each area are interrelated and sets forth progressive, thoughtfully crafted public policy choices. It seeks a conversation on the issues between the grassroots labor and environmental activists and the professionals and researchers involved in charting society’s way forward with the understanding that lack of scientific knowledge is no excuse for doing nothing and that inaction is itself a choice.