Potentials for grammaticalization

IF 0.6 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
F. Li, Na Liu
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

This paper discusses the grammaticalization of motion verbs in Mandarin. A class of motion verbs in Mandarin that regularly appears at either V1 or V2 position in the V1+V2 construction is only grammaticalized at the V2 position, where the verb becomes a directional complement. We provide a cognitive semantic account and propose a new hypothesis that we call the syntactic position and event type sensitivity hypothesis in grammaticalization. We analyze corpus data across five historical stages for 11 simplex directional complements. The analysis draws on Talmy’s macro-event theory and Lehmann’s grammaticalization parameters. It is concluded that motion verbs at the V1 position are most likely to have agentive subjects, which foregrounds the idea of motion in V1, while V2 focuses on the Agent’s purpose. Motion verbs at V2 are relatively more likely to have non-agentive subjects, which foregrounds the Path element in V2 and complements the action of V1, rather than the purpose of the Agent. What triggers the grammaticalization of the V2 is the foregrounding of the Path element in V2, which complements the action of V1, and its non-agentive subject.
语法化的潜力
本文讨论了汉语动态动词的语法化问题。在普通话中,一类运动动词在V1+V2结构中经常出现在V1或V2位置,但只有在V2位置才会语法化,在V2位置动词成为方向补语。我们提供了一个认知语义的解释,并提出了一个新的假设,我们称之为语法化中的句法位置和事件类型敏感性假设。我们分析了语料库数据跨越五个历史阶段的11个单一方向补语。分析借鉴了Talmy的宏观事件理论和Lehmann的语法化参数。我们得出结论,V1位置的动作动词最有可能有代理主语,这突出了V1中运动的概念,而V2则侧重于Agent的目的。V2的动作动词相对来说更有可能有非代理主语,这突出了V2中的Path元素,补充了V1的动作,而不是Agent的目的。触发V2语法化的是V2中Path元素的前景,它补充了V1的动作,以及它的非代理主语。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.30
自引率
14.30%
发文量
16
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