{"title":"Estimating Alliance Costs: An Exchange","authors":"Alex Cooley, Daniel H. Nexon","doi":"10.1080/09636412.2022.2101324","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In their ambitious article, Joshua Alley and Matthew Fuhrmann ask how “alliance commitments affect US military spending.” Their answer: each alliance, on average, adds $11–$22 billion to the annual defense budget. Given the number of US defense pacts, that would mean formal alliances accounted for over $735 billion of the 2019 defense budget. This finding, if true, suggests that Donald Trump was right to claim that alliances are “much too costly for the US.” In this reply, we show that supporters of contemporary US grand strategy can rest easy. Given the actual size of US defense budgets, Alley and Fuhrmann’s estimates cannot be correct. Even if their statistical models produced plausible numbers, the article remains deeply flawed. First, the article conflates its spending estimates with fixed costs. How much the United States spends, either directly or indirectly, on its formal alliances is almost entirely a matter of policy decisions and political processes; the United States can reduce the “average cost” of its formal alliances any time it wants to—by cutting the defense budget. Nothing about defense pacts forces Congress to appropriate funds for, say, another aircraft carrier or new generation of strike aircraft. For the same reason, we see no particular reason to think that if the United States shed an alliance (or ten) tomorrow then Congress would reduce military spending. Second, the key grand-strategy debate between “restrainers” and “engagers” concerns whether the United States should dramatically reduce its security commitments or military presence in some combination of Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. Knowing the average “price tag” per defense pact does not help us decide which, if any, of those regions the","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"510 - 532"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2000,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Security Studies","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2022.2101324","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
In their ambitious article, Joshua Alley and Matthew Fuhrmann ask how “alliance commitments affect US military spending.” Their answer: each alliance, on average, adds $11–$22 billion to the annual defense budget. Given the number of US defense pacts, that would mean formal alliances accounted for over $735 billion of the 2019 defense budget. This finding, if true, suggests that Donald Trump was right to claim that alliances are “much too costly for the US.” In this reply, we show that supporters of contemporary US grand strategy can rest easy. Given the actual size of US defense budgets, Alley and Fuhrmann’s estimates cannot be correct. Even if their statistical models produced plausible numbers, the article remains deeply flawed. First, the article conflates its spending estimates with fixed costs. How much the United States spends, either directly or indirectly, on its formal alliances is almost entirely a matter of policy decisions and political processes; the United States can reduce the “average cost” of its formal alliances any time it wants to—by cutting the defense budget. Nothing about defense pacts forces Congress to appropriate funds for, say, another aircraft carrier or new generation of strike aircraft. For the same reason, we see no particular reason to think that if the United States shed an alliance (or ten) tomorrow then Congress would reduce military spending. Second, the key grand-strategy debate between “restrainers” and “engagers” concerns whether the United States should dramatically reduce its security commitments or military presence in some combination of Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. Knowing the average “price tag” per defense pact does not help us decide which, if any, of those regions the
期刊介绍:
Security Studies publishes innovative scholarly manuscripts that make a significant contribution – whether theoretical, empirical, or both – to our understanding of international security. Studies that do not emphasize the causes and consequences of war or the sources and conditions of peace fall outside the journal’s domain. Security Studies features articles that develop, test, and debate theories of international security – that is, articles that address an important research question, display innovation in research, contribute in a novel way to a body of knowledge, and (as appropriate) demonstrate theoretical development with state-of-the art use of appropriate methodological tools. While we encourage authors to discuss the policy implications of their work, articles that are primarily policy-oriented do not fit the journal’s mission. The journal publishes articles that challenge the conventional wisdom in the area of international security studies. Security Studies includes a wide range of topics ranging from nuclear proliferation and deterrence, civil-military relations, strategic culture, ethnic conflicts and their resolution, epidemics and national security, democracy and foreign-policy decision making, developments in qualitative and multi-method research, and the future of security studies.