At a Crossroads: Environmental and Occupational Safety and Health Regulations After Trump

IF 1.8 Q3 PUBLIC, ENVIRONMENTAL & OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH
James Goodwin
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As this case illustrates, the Trump administration’s success in reshaping the federal judiciary with archconservative appointees is a big part of its anti-regulatory legacy that the United States will be living with for decades. It also underscores the enormity of the task we face in undoing the damage of the Trump years in order to better meet myriad pressing policy challenges, including growing economic inequality, systemic racism, and the climate crisis. In his latest book, Demolition Agenda: How Trump Tried to Dismantle American Government, and What Biden Needs to Do to Save It, leading regulatory law scholar Thomas McGarity takes stock of the damage the Trump administration did to the regulatory system so that we might start picking up the pieces and begin the longer project of bringing it back better and stronger. As the book is intended for a general audience, McGarity begins with a primer on the role of our regulatory system in our constitutional democracy and the historical successes it has achieved in protecting people and the environment against unacceptable risks. The “protective edifice,” as he calls it, “consists of the foundational laws that Congress has enacted over the years and the agencies that Congress has created to implement those laws by implementing regulations, imposing permit requirements, and enforcing the laws and regulations.” The entirety of our regulatory system is oriented toward the achievement of one “overarching purpose”—namely, “to protect people, places, and species, from polluters, profiteers and plunderers” (p. 14). This introduction also highlights the dedicated public servants who work for our protector agencies: The “scientists, engineers, economists who make up the civil service” and “play essential roles” in ensuring that the protective promise of our public interest laws is achieved in the real world. Significantly, in the story that McGarity tells, these public servants, thanks to their professionalism and strong employment protections, emerged among the heroes in the effort to limit the Trump administration’s damage. Another important piece of the background laid out in the book is how the disparate elements of the modern conservative movement came to coalesce around the anti-regulatory agenda that would become a defining trait of the Trump administration. 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(Of course, one might be forgiven for questioning along similar lines the sincerity of beliefs of self-identified Free Marketeers.) Nevertheless, Trump “deftly co-opted” these insurgent populists and succeeded in integrating them into the broader conservative movement. 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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In January 2022, almost one year to the day after President Donald Trump exited the White House, the Supreme Court handed down a shocking decision that effectively overturned an emergency standard issued by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to protect workers from becoming infected by COVID-19. That standard represented one of the most aggressive steps taken by President Joe Biden to control a pandemic made substantially worse by his predecessor’s blundering and oftentimes reckless responses. Unsurprisingly, all three of Trump’s appointees to the Supreme Court were part of the majority that agreed to block the Biden rule in an unsigned per curiam decision. As this case illustrates, the Trump administration’s success in reshaping the federal judiciary with archconservative appointees is a big part of its anti-regulatory legacy that the United States will be living with for decades. It also underscores the enormity of the task we face in undoing the damage of the Trump years in order to better meet myriad pressing policy challenges, including growing economic inequality, systemic racism, and the climate crisis. In his latest book, Demolition Agenda: How Trump Tried to Dismantle American Government, and What Biden Needs to Do to Save It, leading regulatory law scholar Thomas McGarity takes stock of the damage the Trump administration did to the regulatory system so that we might start picking up the pieces and begin the longer project of bringing it back better and stronger. As the book is intended for a general audience, McGarity begins with a primer on the role of our regulatory system in our constitutional democracy and the historical successes it has achieved in protecting people and the environment against unacceptable risks. The “protective edifice,” as he calls it, “consists of the foundational laws that Congress has enacted over the years and the agencies that Congress has created to implement those laws by implementing regulations, imposing permit requirements, and enforcing the laws and regulations.” The entirety of our regulatory system is oriented toward the achievement of one “overarching purpose”—namely, “to protect people, places, and species, from polluters, profiteers and plunderers” (p. 14). This introduction also highlights the dedicated public servants who work for our protector agencies: The “scientists, engineers, economists who make up the civil service” and “play essential roles” in ensuring that the protective promise of our public interest laws is achieved in the real world. Significantly, in the story that McGarity tells, these public servants, thanks to their professionalism and strong employment protections, emerged among the heroes in the effort to limit the Trump administration’s damage. Another important piece of the background laid out in the book is how the disparate elements of the modern conservative movement came to coalesce around the anti-regulatory agenda that would become a defining trait of the Trump administration. Two key constituencies—small government ideologues (or “Free Marketeers”) and the corporate lobby (or “Business Republicans”)—were obvious allies in this fight, and indeed have been leading voices against regulation within the conservative movement for decades. Less obvious, though, was the increasingly influential constituency of populists that emerged with the rise of the Tea Party Movement. If anything, the members of this movement would seem to be at odds with the Business Republicans, given their apparent hostility to economic elites. What’s more, though the populist groups embraced much of the rhetoric of Free Marketeers, their primary ideological inspiration for doing so was culture war grievance, not a sincere commitment to “small government.” The “keep your government hands off my Medicaid” crowd was more concerned with making sure that the benefits of “big government” were not extended to “undeserving” groups, especially racial minorities. (Of course, one might be forgiven for questioning along similar lines the sincerity of beliefs of self-identified Free Marketeers.) Nevertheless, Trump “deftly co-opted” these insurgent populists and succeeded in integrating them into the broader conservative movement. At this point, hostility toward regulation became critical to keeping the potentially fragile Trumpist Book Review
十字路口:特朗普之后的环境和职业安全与健康法规
2022年1月,也就是唐纳德·特朗普总统离开白宫近一年后,最高法院做出了一项令人震惊的裁决,有效推翻了职业安全与健康管理局(OSHA)为保护工人免受新冠肺炎感染而发布的紧急标准。这一标准代表了乔·拜登总统为控制疫情而采取的最积极的措施之一,他的前任的错误和往往是鲁莽的应对措施使疫情变得更加严重。不出所料,特朗普任命的三名最高法院法官都是多数人中的一员,他们同意在一项未经签署的每法庭裁决中阻止拜登的裁决。正如本案所示,特朗普政府成功地用大保守派任命的人重塑了联邦司法机构,这是其反监管遗产的重要组成部分,美国将在几十年内与之共存。这也突显了我们面临的艰巨任务,即消除特朗普时代的破坏,以更好地应对无数紧迫的政策挑战,包括日益严重的经济不平等、系统性种族主义和气候危机。在他的最新著作《拆除议程:特朗普如何试图拆除美国政府,以及拜登需要做些什么来拯救它》中,著名监管法学者托马斯·麦克加里蒂评估了特朗普政府对监管系统造成的损害,以便我们可以开始收拾残局,开始一个更长的项目,让它变得更好、更强大。由于这本书面向普通读者,McGarity首先介绍了我们的监管体系在宪政民主中的作用,以及它在保护人民和环境免受不可接受的风险方面取得的历史性成功。他称之为“保护大厦”,“包括国会多年来颁布的基本法律,以及国会为通过实施法规、实施许可证要求和执行法律法规来实施这些法律而设立的机构。“我们的整个监管体系都致力于实现一个“首要目标”,即“保护人民、地方和物种免受污染者、奸商和掠夺者的侵害”(第14页)。这篇介绍还强调了为我们的保护机构工作的敬业公务员:“组成公务员队伍的科学家、工程师、经济学家”,他们在确保我们的公共利益法的保护承诺在现实世界中实现方面“发挥着重要作用”。值得注意的是,在McGarity告诉的故事中,由于他们的专业精神和强有力的就业保护,这些公务员成为了限制特朗普政府损害的英雄。书中阐述的另一个重要背景是,现代保守派运动的不同元素是如何围绕反监管议程团结起来的,这将成为特朗普政府的一个决定性特征。两个关键选区——小政府理论家(或“自由市场主义者”)和企业游说团体(或“商业共和党人”)——是这场斗争中的明显盟友,几十年来一直是保守派运动中反对监管的主要声音。然而,不太明显的是,随着茶党运动的兴起,民粹主义者的影响力越来越大。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是鉴于商业共和党人对经济精英的明显敌意,这场运动的成员似乎与他们意见相左。更重要的是,尽管民粹主义团体接受了自由市场主义者的大部分言论,但他们这样做的主要意识形态灵感是文化战争的不满,而不是对“小政府”的真诚承诺。“让你们的政府不要干涉我的医疗补助”人群更关心的是确保“大政府”的福利不会扩大到“不值得”的群体,尤其是少数种族。(当然,人们可能会以类似的方式质疑自我认同的自由市场主义者的信仰诚意。)尽管如此,特朗普“巧妙地选择”了这些反叛的民粹主义者,并成功地将他们融入了更广泛的保守运动。在这一点上,对监管的敌意对保持潜在脆弱的《特朗普主义书评》至关重要
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.50
自引率
4.30%
发文量
28
期刊介绍: New Solutions delivers authoritative responses to perplexing problems, with a worker’s voice, an activist’s commitment, a scientist’s approach, and a policy-maker’s experience. New Solutions explores the growing, changing common ground at the intersection of health, work, and the environment. The Journal makes plain how the issues in each area are interrelated and sets forth progressive, thoughtfully crafted public policy choices. It seeks a conversation on the issues between the grassroots labor and environmental activists and the professionals and researchers involved in charting society’s way forward with the understanding that lack of scientific knowledge is no excuse for doing nothing and that inaction is itself a choice.
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