Introduction: Situating Ethiopia in Genocide Debates

IF 2.6 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE
R. Ibreck, A. de Waal
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

Genocide scholars have largely neglected Ethiopian histories of atrocious violence, with rare exceptions. This looks set to change given the violent conflict and spiralling human rights violations over the past year, under the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. In July 2020, the Ethiopian government cracked down on protests in Oromia region with extrajudicial killings and mass arrests. Soon afterwards, amid rising political instability, regional militias targeted local minorities in what was described as “ethnic-cleansing.” Then, in early November 2020, Tigray erupted into armed conflict, following a dispute between the regional government, led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the federal government, and leading to intense warfare and violence against civilians in the region and beyond. Over the months since, various armed forces – principally the Ethiopian National Defence Forces (ENDF) and the Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) – have perpetrated massacres, sexual violence and forced starvation likely to amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity, or possibly crimes constitutive of genocide. There is bound to be a surge in scholarly responses to these atrocities in Ethiopia, of the kind we witnessed (and contributed to) after the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 and the atrocities in Darfur in 2003-05. Such an explosion of interest is not without its problems. Western scholars were overly-represented in early debates on Rwanda and Darfur – not least because small communities of domestic scholars were devastated, lacking resources, or still at risk. New country experts and comparativists were nominally “outsiders,” but they could not automatically side-step the malign politics. In Rwanda, some scholars fuelled the “politicization of even the most basic concepts and research questions.” In Darfur, the international advocacy movement promoted the framing of the atrocities as “genocide” with the explicit intention of provoking an international military intervention,
简介:埃塞俄比亚卷入种族灭绝辩论
种族灭绝学者在很大程度上忽略了埃塞俄比亚的残暴暴力历史,只有极少数例外。鉴于过去一年在总理阿比·艾哈迈德(Abiy Ahmed)领导下的暴力冲突和不断升级的侵犯人权行为,这种情况似乎将会改变。2020年7月,埃塞俄比亚政府以法外处决和大规模逮捕的方式镇压奥罗米亚地区的抗议活动。不久之后,随着政治不稳定的加剧,地区民兵针对当地少数民族进行了所谓的“种族清洗”。然后,在2020年11月初,提格雷爆发了武装冲突,此前由提格雷人民解放阵线(TPLF)领导的地区政府与联邦政府之间发生了争端,导致该地区内外的激烈战争和针对平民的暴力。几个月以来,各武装部队-主要是埃塞俄比亚国防军(ENDF)和厄立特里亚国防军(EDF) -犯下屠杀、性暴力和强迫饥饿,可能构成战争罪、危害人类罪,或可能构成种族灭绝罪。在1994年卢旺达的种族灭绝和2003- 2005年达尔富尔的暴行之后,我们目睹了(并促成了)这种暴行,对于埃塞俄比亚的这些暴行,学术上的回应必然会激增。这种兴趣的激增并非没有问题。在关于卢旺达和达尔富尔的早期辩论中,西方学者的代表过多——尤其是因为国内学者的小群体受到了破坏,缺乏资源,或者仍然处于危险之中。新的国家问题专家和比较主义者名义上是“局外人”,但他们不能自动避开邪恶的政治。在卢旺达,一些学者助长了“甚至是最基本的概念和研究问题的政治化”。在达尔富尔,国际宣传运动鼓吹将这些暴行定性为“种族灭绝”,其明确意图是挑起国际军事干预;
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Journal of Genocide Research
Journal of Genocide Research POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
3.30
自引率
6.70%
发文量
27
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