{"title":"The Svalbard Treaty and research: Comment to Pedersen and Molenaar","authors":"G. Ulfstein","doi":"10.1080/2154896X.2021.2014107","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Norway has been very clear about its determination to uphold sovereignty over Svalbard, based on the 1920 Svalbard Treaty. Thus, any challenges or attempts to undermine Norwegian sovereignty should be taken seriously. Torbjørn Pedersen discusses in his article ‘The Politics of Research Presence in Svalbard’ in this issue to what extent some of the foreign scientific research on Svalbard should be seen as national posturing, threatening Norwegian sovereignty. However, it is important to distinguish between intentions and effects of any national posturing. As Pedersen notes, the relevant activities must be interpreted: are they based on scientific or other relevant needs, or are meant to challenge Norwegian sovereign right to regulate activities on Svalbard. Only the latter forms of activities should be subject to concern. Secondly, the different measures taken by other states should be individually assessed. For example, the name of a research station would hardly in itself be a challenge, whereas the Chinese request for an international decision-making process in the adoption of a research strategy for NyÅlesund may give reason to worry. Thirdly, a distinction should be made between internal national communications and external international demands. Only the latter has the ability to be interpreted as a challenge. Finally, there is reason to emphasise that no state has an interest in an unregulated power struggle. Instead, they have a common interest in acknowledging Norway as a regulatory Hobbesian Leviathan, securing a common peaceful order. I will not discuss the policy aspects further, but – like Erik Molenaar – concentrate on the legal aspects, i.e. the interpretation of the Svalbard Treaty. Molenaar submits that article 5(2) of the Svalbard Treaty contains three ‘implicit assumptions or understandings:","PeriodicalId":52117,"journal":{"name":"Polar Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":"433 - 437"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Polar Journal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2021.2014107","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Norway has been very clear about its determination to uphold sovereignty over Svalbard, based on the 1920 Svalbard Treaty. Thus, any challenges or attempts to undermine Norwegian sovereignty should be taken seriously. Torbjørn Pedersen discusses in his article ‘The Politics of Research Presence in Svalbard’ in this issue to what extent some of the foreign scientific research on Svalbard should be seen as national posturing, threatening Norwegian sovereignty. However, it is important to distinguish between intentions and effects of any national posturing. As Pedersen notes, the relevant activities must be interpreted: are they based on scientific or other relevant needs, or are meant to challenge Norwegian sovereign right to regulate activities on Svalbard. Only the latter forms of activities should be subject to concern. Secondly, the different measures taken by other states should be individually assessed. For example, the name of a research station would hardly in itself be a challenge, whereas the Chinese request for an international decision-making process in the adoption of a research strategy for NyÅlesund may give reason to worry. Thirdly, a distinction should be made between internal national communications and external international demands. Only the latter has the ability to be interpreted as a challenge. Finally, there is reason to emphasise that no state has an interest in an unregulated power struggle. Instead, they have a common interest in acknowledging Norway as a regulatory Hobbesian Leviathan, securing a common peaceful order. I will not discuss the policy aspects further, but – like Erik Molenaar – concentrate on the legal aspects, i.e. the interpretation of the Svalbard Treaty. Molenaar submits that article 5(2) of the Svalbard Treaty contains three ‘implicit assumptions or understandings:
Polar JournalArts and Humanities-Arts and Humanities (all)
CiteScore
2.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
27
期刊介绍:
Antarctica and the Arctic are of crucial importance to global security. Their governance and the patterns of human interactions there are increasingly contentious; mining, tourism, bioprospecting, and fishing are but a few of the many issues of contention, while environmental concerns such as melting ice sheets have a global impact. The Polar Journal is a forum for the scholarly discussion of polar issues from a social science and humanities perspective and brings together the considerable number of specialists and policy makers working on these crucial regions across multiple disciplines. The journal welcomes papers on polar affairs from all fields of the social sciences and the humanities and is especially interested in publishing policy-relevant research. Each issue of the journal either features articles from different disciplines on polar affairs or is a topical theme from a range of scholarly approaches. Topics include: • Polar governance and policy • Polar history, heritage, and culture • Polar economics • Polar politics • Music, art, and literature of the polar regions • Polar tourism • Polar geography and geopolitics • Polar psychology • Polar archaeology Manuscript types accepted: • Regular articles • Research reports • Opinion pieces • Book Reviews • Conference Reports.