Afterword and Reflections

IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES
Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In the wake of the Tiananmen debacle in 1989, many Western scholars believed that the Communist Party of China (CPC) had lost its legitimacy and would soon be relegated to the “dustbin of history”. This belief was reinforced by the collapse of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Scholars increasingly looked for signs of centrifugal forces that would weaken the Chinese political system. As a result, the focus of much research shifted to new social strata and groups, non-governmental developments and movements of dissent, tensions in central–local relations, fragmented policymaking and so forth. However, the CPC did not wither away. Instead, it underwent a process of renewal and organisational reform, drawing lessons from studying what had gone wrong in the Soviet Union. Changes were introduced incrementally and were often informed by local experimentation. At the same time, the CPC continued to deliver economic progress and improved income opportunities for the majority of the Chinese population. By the early 2000s, it had become clear that the CPC was not about to collapse. Scholars gradually realised that to do any in-depth study of the functioning of the Chinese body politic and its development trajectory, they had to include research on the CPC. In particular during the era of Xi Jinping, it has become abundantly clear that not only is the CPC at the centre of the Chinese political-economic system, but also that power and functions of the state are increasingly migrating to the Party. In March 2018, at the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress (NPC), an institutional reform programme was adopted. It followed the tradition of introducing major state and government restructuring in a five-year cycle. However, the 2018 programme was unusual as it also involved the Party organisation. For example, the State Administration for Public Service (Gongwuyuan ju) was transferred from the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security to the Party’s Central Organization Department. The bianzhi administration, the office in charge of planning and allocating personnel and organisational resources, was also placed under this department. In combination with the Central Organization Department’s control of the nomenklatura system, these transfers of functions and institutions have considerably increased the
后记与反思
1989年天安门事件后,许多西方学者认为,中国共产党已经失去了合法性,很快就会被扔进“历史的垃圾箱”。1991年苏联共产党的垮台和苏联解体强化了这一信念。学者们越来越多地寻找离心力的迹象,这种离心力会削弱中国的政治制度。因此,许多研究的重点转移到了新的社会阶层和群体、非政府组织的发展和异见运动、中央与地方关系的紧张局势、分散的政策制定等等。然而,中国共产党并没有消亡。相反,它经历了一个更新和组织改革的过程,从研究苏联的问题中吸取了教训。变化是逐步引入的,通常由当地的实验提供信息。与此同时,中国共产党继续为大多数中国人带来经济进步和收入机会。到21世纪初,中国共产党显然不会崩溃。学者们逐渐意识到,要深入研究中国政治体的运作及其发展轨迹,就必须包括对中国共产党的研究。 2018年3月,在全国人民代表大会年会上,通过了一项机构改革方案。它遵循了在五年周期内引入重大州和政府重组的传统。然而,2018年的计划不同寻常,因为它还涉及党的组织。例如,国家公务员管理局从人力资源和社会保障部转移到党的中央组织部。负责人事和组织资源的规划和分配的办公室——汴直管理局也隶属于该部门。结合中央组织部对nomenklatura系统的控制,这些职能和机构的转移大大增加了
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
32
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