Can Anthropology Get Free?

IF 1.6 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY
A. Cox
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

aesthetic tastes. . . . However, the number of AfroAmericans securing doctorates (was, and is) . . . drastically limited by the difficulty of gaining access to graduate training and adequate financing” (1978, 86). Commenting that for these reasons the “time” had not been “ripe” for a critical mass in the pioneering period—“nor is it yet, apparently,” he writes in 1990 —he says, presciently, that “the Black Studies thrust” will attract more to anthropology (Drake and Baber 1990, 2). Professor Drake confronts the fact that the business of rectifying the record—“corrective” as Manning Marable (2000) named the second of his tripartite characteristics of the Black intellectual tradition (among “descriptive” and “prescriptive”) —has been fraught. Black feminist critiques of this “bias” have already incisively revealed this (see Carby 1998; Christian 1989; James 1997). In this essay, he shows, for example, Dr. Delany’s editorializing and glossing over historical facts. Still, this reader—as an ethnographer, and a critic—is thoroughly convinced by Professor Drake that “the point of view of a committed Black observer was valuable . . . as an offset to the malicious disported views of anti-Black travelers and missionaries . . . I am doubtful whether even a trained ethnographer . . . could have been ‘objective’ given the social context of slavery . . . . What passed for anthropology was . . . explicitly racist and pro-slavery” (Drake and Baber 1990, 3–4). What do we do with this? What is required, now, in our reading practices and in our seeing and saying as scholars, teachers, and writers? It seems to call for a “needed . . . counter-ideology” to the true ideological character of “what we have heretofore called ‘objective’ . . . intellectual activities (that) were actually white studies in perspective and content” (Drake 1969, 5–6, cited in Marable 2000). One that can correct the record holistically, multivocally, and intersectionally—eschewing not only the white gaze but also interrogating classism, heterosexism, and sexism within the enclosure of Blackademe, in our own sweet spot in the cut—the anthropology of Black experience.
人类学可以自由吗?
审美情趣. . . .然而,获得博士学位的非裔美国人的数量(过去和现在)……由于难以获得研究生培训和足够的资金而受到严重限制”(1978年,86年)。他评论说,由于这些原因,在开拓时期达到临界质量的“时机”还没有“成熟”——“显然,现在还不是。”他在1990年写道——他有先见之明地说,“黑人研究的重点”将吸引更多的人进入人类学(Drake and Baber 1990, 2)。德雷克教授面对这样一个事实,即纠正记录的工作——“纠正”是曼宁·马拉布尔(Manning Marable, 2000)所命名的黑人知识传统的三个特征中的第二个特征(在“描述性”和“规定性”之间)——一直令人担忧。黑人女权主义者对这种“偏见”的批评已经深刻地揭示了这一点(见Carby 1998;基督教1989;詹姆斯1997)。例如,在这篇文章中,他展示了德拉尼博士对历史事实的评论和粉饰。然而,作为一名民族志学者和评论家,这位读者完全相信德雷克教授的观点:“一位坚定的黑人观察者的观点是有价值的……作为对反黑人旅行家和传教士恶意歪曲观点的一种抵消……我怀疑即使是一个训练有素的人种学家……在奴隶制的社会背景下可能是“客观的”. . . .所谓的人类学是……明确的种族主义和支持奴隶制”(Drake and Baber 1990,3 - 4)。我们该怎么做?现在,作为学者、教师和作家,在我们的阅读实践中,在我们的观察和说话中,需要什么?它似乎需要一个“必要的……”“反意识形态”到“我们迄今为止所称的‘客观’的真正意识形态特征”……智力活动(实际上)在观点和内容上都是白人研究”(Drake 1969, 5-6,引自Marable 2000)。一个可以全面地、多声音地、交叉地纠正记录的人——不仅避开白人的目光,而且在Blackademe的范围内,在我们自己的最佳位置上,质疑阶级主义、异性恋主义和性别歧视——黑人经验的人类学。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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2.10
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