Colonial Revolution and Liberatory War: from Communist to Post-Colonial Theory (Georgy Safarov, Mao Zedong and Frantz Fanon)

IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
K. Bugrov
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Abstract

The article investigates the intellectual roots of the concept of colonial revolution, which goes back to the 2nd congress of the Communist International, examines its importance in shaping the Communist political thought and outlines its subsequent transformation in the wake of post-colonial theory. The author starts with analyzing the political ideas of Georgi Safarov—Comintern [the Communist International] theorist. He was among the most original thinkers who elaborated the concept of colonial revolution. Safarov, drawing from his own experience in Central Asia, insisted that global capitalism is “retreating to the positions of feudalism” while operating in colonies, treating them as collective “serfs” and lacking any proper social basis save for its own enormous military force. Such analogy led Safarov to envisage the colonial revolution as a “plebeian” revolt and liberatory war against the inhumane and stagnant colonial order, opening the way for a non-capitalist development with certain assistance from the Soviet Union. Similar ideas were independently formulated by Mao Zedong in the 1930s. He saw colonial revolution in China as a “protracted war” of liberation and listed the conditions under which victory was possible. However, the subsequent development of a former colony was seen by Mao as a transitory period of “democratic dictatorship”. Similar ideas of colonial revolution as a liberatory peasant war and “plebeian” movement were developed by Franz Fanon in the context of his own war experience in Algeria. Developing the idea of “plebeian”, peasant revolt and justifying the violence as the sole means of ending the rule of colonial power, Fanon at the same time differed from the tradition of the 2nd Comintern Congress (represented by Safarov, Mao and the others) while describing the independent existence of former colonies. For Fanon, the worst consequence of colonial rule is not permanent backwardness but psychological trauma, an inevitable result of a brutal conquest which requires therapy. The author concludes that such conceptual transformation was stimulated not merely by the disappointment in Soviet and Chinese economic strategies, but also in the geographical and cultural factor which made the reintegration with the former colonial powers preferable to the direct “escape” into the socialist camp.
殖民革命与解放战争:从共产主义到后殖民主义理论(萨法罗夫、毛泽东、法农)
本文考察了殖民革命概念的思想根源,这一概念可以追溯到共产国际第二次代表大会,考察了它在塑造共产主义政治思想方面的重要性,并概述了它在后殖民理论之后的后续转变。本文从分析共产国际理论家萨法罗夫的政治思想入手。他是阐述殖民革命概念的最具原创性的思想家之一。萨法罗夫从自己在中亚的经历中坚持认为,全球资本主义在殖民地运作时正在“退回到封建主义的地位”,将他们视为集体“农奴”,除了自己庞大的军事力量之外,没有任何适当的社会基础。这种类比导致萨法罗夫将殖民革命设想为一场“平民”反抗和解放战争,反对不人道和停滞的殖民秩序,为在苏联的一定援助下实现非资本主义发展开辟了道路。类似的思想是毛泽东在20世纪30年代独立提出的。他把中国的殖民地革命看作是一场解放的“持久战”,并列举了取得胜利的条件。然而,毛认为,一个前殖民地随后的发展是“民主独裁”的过渡时期。Franz Fanon在阿尔及利亚的战争经历中提出了类似的殖民革命思想,即解放农民战争和“平民”运动。法农发展了“平民化”、农民起义的思想,并证明暴力是结束殖民统治的唯一手段,同时他在描述前殖民地独立存在的同时,不同于以萨法罗夫、毛等为代表的第二届共产国际大会的传统。对法农来说,殖民统治最糟糕的后果不是永久的落后,而是心理创伤,这是残酷征服的必然结果,需要治疗。作者认为,这种观念的转变不仅是由于对苏联和中国经济战略的失望,而且是由于地理和文化因素,这使得与前殖民大国的重新融合比直接“逃离”社会主义阵营更可取。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
20.00%
发文量
25
审稿时长
4 weeks
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