Centralization vs. Decentralization in COVID-19 Responses: Lessons from China.

IF 4.3 3区 材料科学 Q1 ENGINEERING, ELECTRICAL & ELECTRONIC
Aofei Lv, Ting Luo, Jane Duckett
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

Researchers have begun to examine whether centralized or decentralized (or federal) political systems have better responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we probe beneath the surface of China's political system to examine the balance between centralized and decentralized authority in China's handling of the pandemic. We focus not on the much-studied later response phase but on the detection and early response phases. We show that after the SARS epidemic of 2003, China sought to improve its systems by both centralizing early infectious disease reporting and decentralizing authority to respond to local health emergencies. But these adjustments in the central-local balance of authority after SARS did not change "normal times" authority relations and incentive structures in the political system-indeed they strengthened local authority. As a result, local leaders had both the enhanced authority and the incentives to prioritize tasks that determine their political advancement at the cost of containing the spread of COVID-19. China's efforts to balance central and local authority show just how difficult it is to get that balance right, especially in the early phases of a pandemic.

应对COVID-19的集中与分散:来自中国的经验教训。
研究人员已经开始研究集中式或分散式(或联邦)政治制度是否能更好地应对COVID-19大流行。在这篇文章中,我们深入探讨中国政治制度的表面之下,以检验中国在应对疫情时中央集权和分散权力之间的平衡。我们的重点不是研究较多的后期反应阶段,而是检测和早期反应阶段。我们表明,在2003年SARS流行之后,中国试图通过集中早期传染病报告和分散应对地方突发卫生事件的权力来改善其系统。但非典后中央和地方权力平衡的调整并没有改变“正常时期”政治体系中的权力关系和激励结构——实际上,它们加强了地方权力。因此,地方领导人既增强了权力,也有了动力,以遏制新冠病毒传播为代价,优先考虑那些决定其政治地位的任务。中国平衡中央和地方权力的努力表明,要保持这种平衡是多么困难,尤其是在大流行的早期阶段。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
7.20
自引率
4.30%
发文量
567
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