What is the harm in (partisan) gerrymandering? Collective vs. dyadic accounts of representational disparities

IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW
Sanford C Gordon, Douglas M Spencer, Sidak Yntiso
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Traditional approaches for documenting the harm of gerrymandering emphasize collective representation by legislatures, minimizing the relationship between individual voters and their respective representatives. Federal courts have struggled to map collective accounts onto cognizable constitutional harms, reflecting a discomfort evaluating a system of representation inescapably rooted in geographic districts using diagnostics that treat districts and their boundaries as an inconvenience rather than an intrinsic feature. A normative account of representation and accountability rooted in the dyadic relationship between voters and their legislators addresses the exact harms that courts have articulated yet struggled to substantiate. We derive a formal model of dyadic representation that yields a measure of disparities among different voters, including those divided by partisanship. We then compare enacted plans in four states against two million simulated counterfactuals, demonstrating how conclusions about the harms from gerrymandering may be highly sensitive to political factors such as polarization and officeholder motivation.
(党派)不公正地划分选区有什么害处?代表性差异的集体vs.二元叙述
记录不公正划分选区的危害的传统方法强调立法机关的集体代表权,尽量减少个别选民与其各自代表之间的关系。联邦法院一直在努力将集体解释映射到可识别的宪法危害上,这反映了一种不适,即使用诊断方法来评估不可避免地植根于地理区域的代表制,这种诊断方法将地区及其边界视为一种不便,而不是一种内在特征。对代表权和问责制的规范解释根植于选民和立法者之间的二元关系,解决了法院已经明确表达但难以证实的确切危害。我们推导了一个二元代表的正式模型,该模型产生了不同选民之间的差异,包括那些被党派划分的选民。然后,我们将四个州制定的计划与200万个模拟的反事实进行比较,证明关于不公正划分选区的危害的结论可能对两极分化和公职人员动机等政治因素高度敏感。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
4.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
3
审稿时长
16 weeks
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