Does political violence backfire in mature democracies? Evidence from the Capitol insurrection in the USA

IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Krzysztof Krakowski, Juan S Morales
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Abstract

Does political violence around election times decrease support for political elites associated with violent actions? We address this question in the understudied context of a mature democracy, where established electoral processes, effective accountability mechanisms, and a vibrant civil society are likely to reduce the appeal of violence. In this context, we hypothesize that political violence during election periods decreases support for political elites who propagate or condone such actions. To test this hypothesis, we examine the impact of the Capitol insurrection on support for the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States. Specifically, we analyze tweets posted by members of the US Congress around the time of the insurrection and use social media engagement as an indicator of public support for both parties. Employing a series of short-run difference-in-differences models, we find that the Capitol attack reduced engagement with messages posted by Republican politicians compared to Democrats. This effect is especially pronounced for Republican politicians closely aligned with Donald Trump, who is widely seen as having incited the attack. Importantly, our findings are not driven by the general negativity of Republican tweets or their explicit attacks on the Democratic Party, both of which could plausibly have heightened tensions. Instead, the evidence supports a ‘blame attribution’ mechanism, wherein the public punishes politicians responsible for instigating violence or condoning those who do. These results are robust to a series of falsification and permutation tests and cannot be explained by attrition following Twitter’s bans on radical users. We find evidence suggestive of the long-term consequences of these patterns for electoral outcomes.
在成熟的民主国家,政治暴力会适得其反吗?美国国会大厦暴动的证据
选举期间的政治暴力是否会降低与暴力行为相关的政治精英的支持率?我们在一个尚未充分研究的成熟民主的背景下解决这个问题,在这个背景下,既定的选举程序、有效的问责机制和充满活力的公民社会可能会减少暴力的吸引力。在这种背景下,我们假设选举期间的政治暴力会减少对宣传或纵容此类行为的政治精英的支持。为了验证这一假设,我们研究了国会大厦起义对美国共和党和民主党支持的影响。具体来说,我们分析了美国国会议员在叛乱期间发布的推文,并使用社交媒体参与度作为公众对两党支持的指标。采用一系列短期差异中的差异模型,我们发现与民主党人相比,国会大厦袭击减少了对共和党政客发布的信息的参与。这种影响在与唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)关系密切的共和党政客身上尤为明显,人们普遍认为特朗普煽动了这次袭击。重要的是,我们的发现并不是由共和党推文的普遍消极情绪或他们对民主党的明确攻击所驱动的,这两者都可能加剧紧张局势。相反,证据支持一种“责任归因”机制,即公众惩罚那些煽动暴力或纵容暴力的政客。这些结果在一系列伪造和排列测试中是可靠的,不能用Twitter禁止激进用户后的流失来解释。我们发现有证据表明这些模式对选举结果的长期影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
6.70
自引率
5.60%
发文量
80
期刊介绍: Journal of Peace Research is an interdisciplinary and international peer reviewed bimonthly journal of scholarly work in peace research. Edited at the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), by an international editorial committee, Journal of Peace Research strives for a global focus on conflict and peacemaking. From its establishment in 1964, authors from over 50 countries have published in JPR. The Journal encourages a wide conception of peace, but focuses on the causes of violence and conflict resolution. Without sacrificing the requirements for theoretical rigour and methodological sophistication, articles directed towards ways and means of peace are favoured.
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