Commentary on Rehm et al.: Utilizing return on investment analysis to advocate for tax increases

IF 5.3 1区 医学 Q1 PSYCHIATRY
Addiction Pub Date : 2025-08-10 DOI:10.1111/add.70165
Meenakshi S. Subbaraman
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However, the tax increases in Lithuania were significant, with a doubling of excise taxes on beer and wine, for example, which resulted in an almost 7% reduction in alcohol affordability [<span>1</span>]. Importantly, similar increases in excise taxes in other countries or regions, such as US states, would not have the same impact on affordability given that alcohol excise taxes account for a much smaller portion of alcohol prices overall [<span>2, 3</span>].</p><p>Furthermore, while the impacts of increased taxes in Lithuania are clear, with some directly attributable to taxes after the tax revenue increased by 20%, several other drastic alcohol policy changes also occurred. Specifically, from 2008 to 2018, Lithuania experienced: excise tax increases, bans on alcohol advertising and increased penalties for drunk driving in 2008; availability restrictions, such as banned off-premise sales from 10:00 PM to 8:00 AM, in 2009; excise tax increases in 2017; and reduced availability by increasing the legal minimum age to 20 years, reducing off-premise sales hours and a near full alcohol advertising ban in 2018. These are all recommended as ‘best buy’ policies by the World Health Organization [<span>4</span>], and it is possible that having these other policies in place synergistically affected outcomes. While Rehm <i>et al</i>.’s ROI analyses focus on a single year to avoid confounding by these other policy changes, this assumes no policy interaction or cumulative policy effects and ignores the behavioral adaptations that had occurred in an already restricted market. Thus, other countries or localities would likely not experience similar magnitudes of ROI unless other restrictions were made.</p><p>Regardless of the magnitude of the ROIs, increased revenue would obviously still be gained in places that increase alcohol excise taxes. This increased revenue is needed in places like the USA, where current taxes cover a small fraction of the costs to society per drink: the most recent available data show that combined federal and state <i>ad valorem</i> and excise taxes averaged to a total of 8 cents per standard drink for beer and 18 cents per standard drink for spirits in 2015 [<span>5</span>], while the most recent data from the US Centers for Disease Control show that the costs to society from drinking averaged to $2.05 per drink in the USA in 2010 [<span>6</span>]. Given that these data are from more than a decade ago, the current fraction of costs covered by taxes is probably even lower. 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An ROI analysis like Rehm <i>et al</i>.’s could be useful for advocating tax increases in other countries and localities. Rehm <i>et al</i>. have done us all a great service by laying out a methodology that can assist in both estimating ROI as well as in communicating the range of financial and social benefits associated with alcohol tax increases.</p><p>Meenakshi S. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Rehm et al.’s return on investment (ROI) analysis specifically evaluates financial returns of the March 2017 alcohol excise taxation increases in Lithuania over 1 year by considering five social components: (i) costs of implementing tax changes; and the differences in (ii) healthcare costs; (iii) productivity; (iv) legal system costs; and (v) excise tax budget revenues. The attention to a broad range of outcomes highlights the social benefits of increased alcohol taxes beyond increased revenue; this could be particularly useful for communicating with policymakers and the public.

Findings show that for each euro invested, the return was 420 euros – this is astonishing, and clearly a ‘win–win’ in terms of simultaneously reducing harms and increasing revenue. However, the tax increases in Lithuania were significant, with a doubling of excise taxes on beer and wine, for example, which resulted in an almost 7% reduction in alcohol affordability [1]. Importantly, similar increases in excise taxes in other countries or regions, such as US states, would not have the same impact on affordability given that alcohol excise taxes account for a much smaller portion of alcohol prices overall [2, 3].

Furthermore, while the impacts of increased taxes in Lithuania are clear, with some directly attributable to taxes after the tax revenue increased by 20%, several other drastic alcohol policy changes also occurred. Specifically, from 2008 to 2018, Lithuania experienced: excise tax increases, bans on alcohol advertising and increased penalties for drunk driving in 2008; availability restrictions, such as banned off-premise sales from 10:00 PM to 8:00 AM, in 2009; excise tax increases in 2017; and reduced availability by increasing the legal minimum age to 20 years, reducing off-premise sales hours and a near full alcohol advertising ban in 2018. These are all recommended as ‘best buy’ policies by the World Health Organization [4], and it is possible that having these other policies in place synergistically affected outcomes. While Rehm et al.’s ROI analyses focus on a single year to avoid confounding by these other policy changes, this assumes no policy interaction or cumulative policy effects and ignores the behavioral adaptations that had occurred in an already restricted market. Thus, other countries or localities would likely not experience similar magnitudes of ROI unless other restrictions were made.

Regardless of the magnitude of the ROIs, increased revenue would obviously still be gained in places that increase alcohol excise taxes. This increased revenue is needed in places like the USA, where current taxes cover a small fraction of the costs to society per drink: the most recent available data show that combined federal and state ad valorem and excise taxes averaged to a total of 8 cents per standard drink for beer and 18 cents per standard drink for spirits in 2015 [5], while the most recent data from the US Centers for Disease Control show that the costs to society from drinking averaged to $2.05 per drink in the USA in 2010 [6]. Given that these data are from more than a decade ago, the current fraction of costs covered by taxes is probably even lower. Thus, the need to increase alcohol taxes as the mechanism to cover costs incurred by the drinker appears obvious. Furthermore, given the low levels of alcohol taxes [7], modest or even substantial tax increases like those implemented in Lithuania would likely be unnoticeable to the average drinker in the USA in terms of absolute increases in total price. The same is likely true for many other countries given generally low levels of excise taxes [8].

Despite the obvious need to cover costs to society from drinking, opponents have called tax increases regressive and discriminatory because they might impact some demographic groups more than others. Opponents have also argued that taxes do not reduce consumption. Though economic data do not support any of these arguments [9], excise taxes remain low around the globe and are rarely raised [7, 8]. An ROI analysis like Rehm et al.’s could be useful for advocating tax increases in other countries and localities. Rehm et al. have done us all a great service by laying out a methodology that can assist in both estimating ROI as well as in communicating the range of financial and social benefits associated with alcohol tax increases.

Meenakshi S. Subbaraman is the sole author of this commentary.

No financial or other relevant links to companies with an interest in the topic of this article.

对Rehm等人的评论:利用投资回报分析来倡导增税。
Rehm等人的投资回报率(ROI)分析通过考虑五个社会组成部分,具体评估了立陶宛2017年3月1年内酒精消费税增加的财务回报:(i)实施税收变化的成本;以及(ii)医疗成本的差异;(3)生产力;(四)法律制度费用;(五)消费税预算收入。对广泛结果的关注突出了增加酒精税所带来的社会效益,而不仅仅是增加收入;这在与决策者和公众沟通方面可能特别有用。研究结果显示,每投资一欧元,回报为420欧元——这是惊人的,显然是在减少危害和增加收入方面的“双赢”。然而,立陶宛的税收增加幅度很大,例如,啤酒和葡萄酒的消费税增加了一倍,这导致酒精的可负担性降低了近7%。重要的是,在其他国家或地区,如美国各州,类似的消费税增长不会对可负担性产生同样的影响,因为酒精消费税在酒精价格中所占的比例要小得多[2,3]。此外,虽然立陶宛增税的影响很明显,其中一些直接归因于税收增加20%后的税收,但也发生了其他几项剧烈的酒精政策变化。具体来说,从2008年到2018年,立陶宛经历了:消费税增加,禁止酒精广告,并在2008年增加了对酒后驾驶的处罚;可用性限制,例如2009年禁止在晚上10点到早上8点之间进行场外销售;2017年消费税上调;并通过将法定最低年龄提高到20岁,减少场外销售时间以及在2018年几乎全面禁止酒精广告来减少可获得性。这些都是世界卫生组织推荐的“最划算”政策,实施这些其他政策可能会产生协同效应,影响结果。虽然Rehm等人的投资回报率分析集中在单一年份,以避免这些其他政策变化的混淆,但这假设没有政策相互作用或累积政策效应,并且忽略了在已经受到限制的市场中发生的行为适应。因此,除非采取其他限制措施,否则其他国家或地区可能不会有类似的投资回报率。无论投资回报率有多大,在增加酒精消费税的地方显然仍然会获得增加的收入。这种增加的收入在美国这样的地方是需要的,在美国,目前的税收只占社会每杯饮料成本的一小部分。最新的可得数据显示,2015年,联邦和州从价税和消费税加在一起,平均每杯啤酒标准饮料征收8美分,每杯烈酒标准饮料征收18美分,而美国疾病控制中心的最新数据显示,2010年,美国平均每杯饮料的社会饮酒成本为2.05美元。考虑到这些数据来自十多年前,目前由税收覆盖的成本比例可能更低。因此,增加酒税作为弥补饮酒者产生的成本的机制的必要性是显而易见的。此外,鉴于酒精税水平较低,就总价格的绝对增长而言,美国普通饮酒者可能不会注意到像立陶宛那样适度甚至大幅增税。鉴于消费税水平普遍较低,许多其他国家可能也是如此。尽管显然需要弥补饮酒给社会带来的成本,但反对者称增税是倒退的和歧视性的,因为增税可能对某些人口群体的影响大于其他群体。反对者也认为,税收并不能减少消费。尽管经济数据不支持这些观点[1],但消费税在全球范围内仍然很低,很少提高[7,8]。Rehm等人的投资回报率分析可能对其他国家和地区提倡增税很有用。Rehm等人为我们所有人提供了一个伟大的服务,他们提出了一种方法,既可以帮助估计投资回报率,也可以帮助沟通与酒精税增加相关的经济和社会利益范围。Meenakshi S. Subbaraman是本评论的唯一作者。没有与对本文主题感兴趣的公司的财务或其他相关链接。
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来源期刊
Addiction
Addiction 医学-精神病学
CiteScore
10.80
自引率
6.70%
发文量
319
审稿时长
3 months
期刊介绍: Addiction publishes peer-reviewed research reports on pharmacological and behavioural addictions, bringing together research conducted within many different disciplines. Its goal is to serve international and interdisciplinary scientific and clinical communication, to strengthen links between science and policy, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. We seek submissions that are not only technically competent but are also original and contain information or ideas of fresh interest to our international readership. We seek to serve low- and middle-income (LAMI) countries as well as more economically developed countries. Addiction’s scope spans human experimental, epidemiological, social science, historical, clinical and policy research relating to addiction, primarily but not exclusively in the areas of psychoactive substance use and/or gambling. In addition to original research, the journal features editorials, commentaries, reviews, letters, and book reviews.
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