Conscientious Refuser Accommodation Continues to Undermine Patient Care

IF 2.1 2区 哲学 Q2 ETHICS
Bioethics Pub Date : 2025-08-04 DOI:10.1111/bioe.70023
Udo Schuklenk
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Allow me to address today specifically one claim made by critics of conscientious refuser accommodation, namely that by virtue of the idiosyncratic untestable nature of conscience claims access to health care turns into an access lottery, given that patients cannot possibly know what it is that their health care professional may object to on grounds of conscience. Catholic philosophers like Chris Kaczor did respond to this by saying that such concerns are wildly overblown and, for all practical intents and purposes, this isn't a real-world issue in the United States [<span>2</span>]. Evidence to the contrary exists for a fair number of other countries [<span>1</span>, pp. 103–109].</p><p>But what about the United States? Two Yale University law professors, Douglas NeJaime and Reva B. Siegel have reported some years ago that religious activist pressure groups have drafted model legislation aimed at enshrining conscience rights in state legislation across the United States [<span>3</span>]. The objective here is on each occasion to subvert patient rights to access care that these groups consider objectionable (typically, but, as we shall see, not limited to, abortion care, life-shortening end-of-life care, IVF for same sex couples).</p><p>A risk of these kinds of policies, once enshrined in law, is that they might be so broad as to permit a wide range of unprofessional refusals by health care professionals, to the detriment of patients' access to needed care, even care that should be uncontroversial in the eyes of these pressure groups. This may or may not have been inadvertent, but it remains an uncontrolled effect of current legislation in many states in the United States. As NeJaime and Siegel note in a different paper, “many healthcare refusal laws allow doctors or nurses to refuse to treat a patient even in an emergency situation and do so without requiring that healthcare professionals provide advance notice of their objection to the employer so that the patient receives needed care” [<span>4</span>]. While supposedly these kinds of laws were driven by the need to protect “life,” they quickly mutated into laws that readily discarded and disrespected human life in the name of cultural conquest.</p><p>Which takes me to the foreseeable consequences of the latest such legislation, the state of Tennessee's 2025 <i>Medical Ethics Defense Act</i>. It passed into law in late April 2025 [<span>5</span>]. Unsurprisingly, perhaps, the document does not defend medical ethics, it is designed to give health care professionals who wish to behave unprofessionally a free pass. The Act defines “conscience“ as: “the sincerely held ethical, moral, or religious beliefs or principles held by a healthcare provider” [<span>6</span>]. Given that this Act exists to protect unprofessional refusals to provide care, refusals that are based on untestable claims about the substance of a provider's conscience, it stipulates that “a healthcare provider must not be required to participate in or pay for a healthcare procedure, treatment, or service that violates the conscience of the healthcare provider.” It is perhaps noteworthy here that only refusals to provide care are protected, but not, for instance, health care providers who might wish to provide abortion care on grounds of their professional conscience [<span>7</span>]. This does seem to suggest that the Act isn't quite about the protection of the provider conscience, but only about the protection of the purported or real conscience of the conscientious refuser. In other words, it's not about the protection of conscience and more about cultural conquest.</p><p>Be that as it may, though, my main contention was that these sorts of legislations have a side effect that I suspect even the most ardent defenders of conscientious refuser accommodation will find difficult to justify. Because of the idiosyncratic nature of the substance of “conscience” claims that are accommodated by conscience definitions used in laws like the Tennessee legislation, access to health care turns into an access lottery. It is impossible for patients to quite know whether their health care providers might object to particular procedures because of their real or purported idiosyncratic personal beliefs.</p><p>A case supporting this interpretation has already been reported from Tennessee [<span>8</span>]. Just 3 months after the legislation came into effect a 35-year-old pregnant woman was reportedly denied prenatal care by a physician because the health care professional objected to her being unmarried. Here is no concern about human life that ostensibly needs protection, because the patient in question didn't look for abortion care, she very much wanted to proceed with the pregnancy and give birth to a healthy baby. The doctor had qualms about the pregnant woman being not married. It is somewhat ironic that Tennessee's legislators termed their <i>2025 Unprofessional Health Care Professional Conduct Defense Act</i> the 2025 <i>Medical Ethics Defense Act</i> as the substance of the Act truly betrays what medical ethics is all about. This particular patient had the wherewithal to seek care in another state, but not every patient is equally well-resourced.</p><p>Let me end this Editorial by reminding health care professionals of what is widely considered to be the modern version of the Hippocratic Oath, the World Medical Association's <i>Declaration of Geneva</i>. The world's doctors promise there in no uncertain terms that “THE HEALTH AND WELL-BEING OF MY PATIENT will be my first consideration” [<span>9</span>]. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The case against the accommodation of conscientious refusers in the health care setting has been made [1]. Not everyone agrees, of course [2]. My objective is not to litigate the lack or otherwise of justifications for the accommodation of conscientious refusers. The reader should note that I am only concerned about the accommodation of conscientious refusers, because a conscientious objector could still decide to live up to their professional obligations, while a conscientious refuser has clearly decided not to. Allow me to address today specifically one claim made by critics of conscientious refuser accommodation, namely that by virtue of the idiosyncratic untestable nature of conscience claims access to health care turns into an access lottery, given that patients cannot possibly know what it is that their health care professional may object to on grounds of conscience. Catholic philosophers like Chris Kaczor did respond to this by saying that such concerns are wildly overblown and, for all practical intents and purposes, this isn't a real-world issue in the United States [2]. Evidence to the contrary exists for a fair number of other countries [1, pp. 103–109].

But what about the United States? Two Yale University law professors, Douglas NeJaime and Reva B. Siegel have reported some years ago that religious activist pressure groups have drafted model legislation aimed at enshrining conscience rights in state legislation across the United States [3]. The objective here is on each occasion to subvert patient rights to access care that these groups consider objectionable (typically, but, as we shall see, not limited to, abortion care, life-shortening end-of-life care, IVF for same sex couples).

A risk of these kinds of policies, once enshrined in law, is that they might be so broad as to permit a wide range of unprofessional refusals by health care professionals, to the detriment of patients' access to needed care, even care that should be uncontroversial in the eyes of these pressure groups. This may or may not have been inadvertent, but it remains an uncontrolled effect of current legislation in many states in the United States. As NeJaime and Siegel note in a different paper, “many healthcare refusal laws allow doctors or nurses to refuse to treat a patient even in an emergency situation and do so without requiring that healthcare professionals provide advance notice of their objection to the employer so that the patient receives needed care” [4]. While supposedly these kinds of laws were driven by the need to protect “life,” they quickly mutated into laws that readily discarded and disrespected human life in the name of cultural conquest.

Which takes me to the foreseeable consequences of the latest such legislation, the state of Tennessee's 2025 Medical Ethics Defense Act. It passed into law in late April 2025 [5]. Unsurprisingly, perhaps, the document does not defend medical ethics, it is designed to give health care professionals who wish to behave unprofessionally a free pass. The Act defines “conscience“ as: “the sincerely held ethical, moral, or religious beliefs or principles held by a healthcare provider” [6]. Given that this Act exists to protect unprofessional refusals to provide care, refusals that are based on untestable claims about the substance of a provider's conscience, it stipulates that “a healthcare provider must not be required to participate in or pay for a healthcare procedure, treatment, or service that violates the conscience of the healthcare provider.” It is perhaps noteworthy here that only refusals to provide care are protected, but not, for instance, health care providers who might wish to provide abortion care on grounds of their professional conscience [7]. This does seem to suggest that the Act isn't quite about the protection of the provider conscience, but only about the protection of the purported or real conscience of the conscientious refuser. In other words, it's not about the protection of conscience and more about cultural conquest.

Be that as it may, though, my main contention was that these sorts of legislations have a side effect that I suspect even the most ardent defenders of conscientious refuser accommodation will find difficult to justify. Because of the idiosyncratic nature of the substance of “conscience” claims that are accommodated by conscience definitions used in laws like the Tennessee legislation, access to health care turns into an access lottery. It is impossible for patients to quite know whether their health care providers might object to particular procedures because of their real or purported idiosyncratic personal beliefs.

A case supporting this interpretation has already been reported from Tennessee [8]. Just 3 months after the legislation came into effect a 35-year-old pregnant woman was reportedly denied prenatal care by a physician because the health care professional objected to her being unmarried. Here is no concern about human life that ostensibly needs protection, because the patient in question didn't look for abortion care, she very much wanted to proceed with the pregnancy and give birth to a healthy baby. The doctor had qualms about the pregnant woman being not married. It is somewhat ironic that Tennessee's legislators termed their 2025 Unprofessional Health Care Professional Conduct Defense Act the 2025 Medical Ethics Defense Act as the substance of the Act truly betrays what medical ethics is all about. This particular patient had the wherewithal to seek care in another state, but not every patient is equally well-resourced.

Let me end this Editorial by reminding health care professionals of what is widely considered to be the modern version of the Hippocratic Oath, the World Medical Association's Declaration of Geneva. The world's doctors promise there in no uncertain terms that “THE HEALTH AND WELL-BEING OF MY PATIENT will be my first consideration” [9]. In Tennessee's Medical Ethics Defense Act the real or purported conscience of the health care professional is apparently the legislators' first consideration, provided the professional wishes to refuse to provide care.

良心拒绝住宿继续破坏病人护理。
反对在卫生保健环境中收容有良心拒绝者的案件已于2010年提出。当然,不是每个人都同意。我的目的不是要就收容良心拒绝者的理由不足或其他理由提起诉讼。读者应该注意到,我只关心良心拒绝者的住宿,因为良心拒绝者仍然可以决定履行他们的职业义务,而良心拒绝者显然决定不这样做。今天,请允许我具体谈谈批评良心拒绝者住宿的人提出的一个主张,即由于良心要求的特殊不可检验性质,获得医疗保健的机会变成了获得机会的抽奖,因为患者不可能知道他们的医疗保健专业人员可能以良心为由反对的是什么。天主教哲学家克里斯·卡佐(Chris Kaczor)确实对此做出了回应,他说,这种担忧被过分夸大了,出于所有实际意图和目的,这不是美国现实世界的问题。在相当多的其他国家存在与此相反的证据[1,第103-109页]。但是美国呢?耶鲁大学(Yale University)的两位法学教授道格拉斯·内杰米(Douglas NeJaime)和雷瓦·b·西格尔(Reva B. Siegel)几年前曾报道,宗教活动人士压力团体已经起草了旨在将良心权利纳入美国各州立法的示范立法。这里的目标是每次都颠覆患者获得这些团体认为令人反感的护理的权利(通常,但我们将看到,不限于堕胎护理,缩短生命的临终护理,同性伴侣的体外受精)。这类政策一旦载入法律,其风险在于,它们可能过于宽泛,以至于允许医疗保健专业人员进行广泛的非专业拒绝,从而损害患者获得所需护理的机会,即使这些护理在这些压力集团看来应该是没有争议的。这可能是无意的,也可能不是无意的,但它仍然是美国许多州现行立法无法控制的影响。正如NeJaime和Siegel在另一篇论文中指出的那样,“许多医疗保健拒绝法允许医生或护士拒绝治疗病人,即使是在紧急情况下,而且这样做并不要求医疗保健专业人员提前通知雇主他们的反对意见,以便病人得到所需的护理”。虽然这些法律应该是由保护“生命”的需要驱动的,但它们很快就变异成以文化征服的名义随时抛弃和不尊重人类生命的法律。这让我想到了最新这类立法的可预见的后果,即田纳西州2025年医学道德辩护法案。该法案于2025年4月下旬通过成为法律。也许,不出所料,这份文件并没有捍卫医学伦理,它的目的是给那些希望表现得不专业的卫生保健专业人员一张免费通行证。该法将“良心”定义为:“医疗保健提供者真诚地持有的伦理、道德或宗教信仰或原则”。鉴于该法的存在是为了保护不专业的拒绝提供医疗服务的行为,这种拒绝是基于对医疗服务提供者良心实质的无法检验的说法,该法规定“不得要求医疗服务提供者参与或支付违反医疗服务提供者良心的医疗程序、治疗或服务。”这里也许值得注意的是,只有拒绝提供护理才受到保护,而不受保护,例如,出于职业良心可能希望提供堕胎护理的保健提供者。这似乎确实表明,该法案并不完全是关于保护提供者良心,而只是关于保护良心拒绝者的所谓或真正的良心。换句话说,这不是关于良心的保护,更多的是关于文化征服。尽管如此,我的主要论点是,这类立法有副作用,我怀疑即使是最热心的良心拒绝者住宿捍卫者也很难证明这一点。由于“良心”声明的实质具有特殊的性质,在诸如田纳西州立法之类的法律中使用了良心定义,因此获得医疗保健变成了一种获得彩票的机会。病人不可能完全知道他们的医疗保健提供者是否会因为他们真实的或据称的特殊个人信仰而反对特定的程序。田纳西州已经报道了一个支持这种解释的案例。据报告,在该立法生效仅3个月后,一名35岁孕妇被一名医生拒绝提供产前护理,因为该保健专业人员反对她未婚。 这里不关心人的生命,表面上需要保护,因为病人没有寻求堕胎护理,她非常想继续怀孕,生一个健康的孩子。医生对那个未婚孕妇感到不安。具有讽刺意味的是,田纳西州的立法者将他们的2025年非专业医疗保健职业行为辩护法案称为2025年医学道德辩护法案,因为该法案的实质确实背叛了医学道德的全部内容。这个特殊的病人有必要在另一个州寻求治疗,但并不是每个病人都有同样的资源。让我在结束这篇社论时提醒卫生保健专业人员,被广泛认为是希波克拉底誓言的现代版本,即世界医学协会的《日内瓦宣言》。全世界的医生都毫不含糊地承诺:“病人的健康和幸福将是我首先考虑的”。在田纳西州的《医疗道德辩护法案》中,医疗专业人员的真实或所谓的良心显然是立法者首先考虑的,如果专业人员希望拒绝提供护理。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Bioethics
Bioethics 医学-医学:伦理
CiteScore
4.20
自引率
9.10%
发文量
127
审稿时长
6-12 weeks
期刊介绍: As medical technology continues to develop, the subject of bioethics has an ever increasing practical relevance for all those working in philosophy, medicine, law, sociology, public policy, education and related fields. Bioethics provides a forum for well-argued articles on the ethical questions raised by current issues such as: international collaborative clinical research in developing countries; public health; infectious disease; AIDS; managed care; genomics and stem cell research. These questions are considered in relation to concrete ethical, legal and policy problems, or in terms of the fundamental concepts, principles and theories used in discussions of such problems. Bioethics also features regular Background Briefings on important current debates in the field. These feature articles provide excellent material for bioethics scholars, teachers and students alike.
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